Saorsa statement on Scottish Election

In solidarity with the comrades of Saorsa I publish their post election statement in full here.
Larry

Pushing the Independence Agenda Onwards
Saorsa statement on Scottish Election
12 May 2011

Another election comes, another election goes. Fewer activists out in the streets or knocking doors, but lots more spent on glossy leaflets promising, well not very much. It seemed clear for some time that the SNP would win, possibly with an increased majority, but short of an overall majority. Most gains in constituency seats would likely be lost in list seats, due to the particular form of PR used at Holyrood

It seemed further clear that the idea independence - let alone socialism – was going to be won through Tony Blair’s parish council assembly with its institutional Unionist majority was not on the cards – a process heightened by the implosion of the organised pro-independence Left.

How wrong we were.

How wrong the whole country was.

The SNP should be given all credit for delivering the most incredible result in Scottish parliamentary history, sweeping aside all before them in the sort of landslide victory comparable perhaps to Labour in 1945 or Sinn Fein in 1918.

Despite all the Unionist blunder it is clear that the Scottish people have given the SNP an unquestionable mandate to begin the legal process of obtaining Scottish independence.

However the stunning scale of this victory must be built upon quickly because it is very unlikely to be repeated. It relied on a combination of factors, most notably the total annihilation of the Lib-Dems due to their participation in the Westminster coalition with the Tories, a betrayal of those who voted for them last year as some sort of progressive alternative to Labour. Whilst it will take many years for their betrayal to be forgiven, if at all, the real opposition will come from a rejuvenated Labour Party. For the second part of the equation which swept the SNP into power was the totally ineffectual and useless campaign from Labour who incredibly tried to turn it into a personality contest between the Gray man of Scottish politics and the charismatic Salmond.

It is worth noting that despite this being the worst result in terms of constituency seats for Labour since the 1931 election when they faced a ‘national coalition’ government, their share of the vote actually only decreased by 0.5% in the constituencies and 2.9% on the regional lists. A poor result yes, but hardly the seismic drop in support that a party with no policies, no personalities and no principles could have expected!

Any revival, which only the most optimistic SNP loyalists would rule out, can only come at the expense of the SNP and the independence movement.

This election result therefore is a once in a lifetime opportunity for the SNP not only to proceed towards independence, but to pursue a radical redistributive social agenda for the benefit of the great mass of the Scottish people – the working class.

Because despite the stunning result it also needs to be noted that increasingly Scots are turning their back on the electoral posturing between parties with little real difference between them. In working-class constituencies such as Maryhill in Glasgow turnout was down to only 34%, and across Scotland as a whole it was only 50%.

These lower turnouts have arisen from alienation from the political-economic system, particularly of working class youth. For a while the pro-independence Left had threatened to capitalise on this through the rise of the SSP. However this election has surely been the final nail in its coffin, and its offshoot Solidarity. This gives us no pleasure whatsoever, the loss of the SSP – despite its many faults - to the national liberation struggle, has left the forces of the working class in Scotland far weaker.

In particular we look at the situation here in the Highlands where in 2003 the SSP came within a few hundred votes of being elected on the regional list. Indeed the 0.96% of the vote Scargill’s SLP received in that election, despite having no branch or members in the Highlands was enough to prevent a Socialist going to Holyrood from the Highlands, and joining the other 6 elected from across Scotland. From those heights to 2011 when the SSP and Solidarity trailed in 13th & 14th on a List of 14, with 711 votes between them, both behind the SLP and BNP and various other nonentities. Indeed the SSP received fewer votes across all Scotland in 2011 than it did in the Highlands alone in 2003.

Where now for Independence?

We believe that the SNP now faces a fork in the road, to either use their majority to pursue an independence referendum, or placate the unionist parties and instead aim for “full fiscal autonomy” – “devolution max” or unionism by another name.

Calman – like devolution itself is a scheme by the Unionist parties to cement union. However it is already the stated aim of the SNP leadership to pursue greater powers for Holyrood in the Scotland Bill going through Westminster, the theory goes that when the Scottish people see how responsibly the SNP administers these powers then they will be in a position to pursue the referendum, which they claim will be in the second half of this parliament.

However whatever extra crumbs are grabbed from Westminster’s table they are not due to be implemented before 2015. Even *if* Westminster bows to SNP demands to speed up this process, they will logically have to give these powers time to be used, effectively ruling out a referendum this side of the next Scottish elections. How long do they need to be tested for? 2 years, 3, 5, 10? They cannot beg Westminster for greater powers and then turn around and launch an independence referendum in the immediate aftermath before these powers have been bedded in, particularly at a time when they are going out of their way to attract the support of leading Scottish capitalists, even those who remain lukewarm at best to independence. Capitalism after all likes “stability” - ‘if it ain’t broke don’t fix it.’

Salmond may be a wily old fox, but the British state has many centuries experience dealing with colonial revolts and independence movements.

Furthermore this strategy is entirely reliant on the assumption that in the midst of a global recession Scotland can avoid the worst excesses whilst control of the Scottish economy remains under the management of global imperialism. This is at best fanciful and not unlike Gordon Browns infamous quote that he had “abolished boom and bust economics.”

A central plank of this strategy is based on their ability to turn Scotland into a low corporate tax haven for multinationals, bodies that are not known for coming to countries with a strong trade union tradition and militant working-class movement.

Will the SNP get into a bidding war to ensure corporation tax is the lowest around further reducing the public purse and therefore public expenditure? This isn’t new; it is the economics of Reagan and Thatcher and many others before and since. It is the politics of globalisation and slavery

The notion that Scotland can stand apart from this recession – before assuming control over our resources - is real “Alec in wonderland” economics, however this is not just the future of the SNP at stake, this is an epoch making junction in the history of our nation – the SNP has been handed the responsibility of allowing the Scottish people the right to decide our own future, this it must do, and do immediately.

The referendum itself need not take place immediately, though such a prospect holds no fear for us, however the Bill for the Referendum should be pushed through Holyrood in order to sidestep Westminster deviations. The SNP must take total control over the situation and not be left dancing to Westminster’s tune. The Scottish electorate have shown to the Lib-Dems what they can do to those who abandon their principles in pursuit of power.

A Real Alternative

As socialist republicans we wish to see the maximum unity between the struggles for national and social freedom. We realise that we are not on the verge of creating the socialist republic however our strategy would see support for an independence referendum go hand in hand with the sort of redistributive social agenda that will inspire support for independence amongst the majority of Scottish working people.

An agenda which would see our land and resources recognised as the common property of all. An agenda which would exploit the vast resources of our nation - particularly our oil, gas and renewable sectors - collectively for the benefit of all, not shareholder s in London and New York.

An alternative which uses our wealth and resources to eradicate poverty, homelessness, ill health and all the other accompanying ill-effects of capitalism and imperialism, making the Scottish parliament a bulwark of resistance to Tory spending cuts. This is the sort of agenda which we believe would rally the people to the support of Independence.

History doesn’t happen passively. Class struggle has been driving force behind all human progress. The capitalist class in Scotland, long the most active opponents of self-determination, is now trying to shape an independent Scotland in its own image.

It is up to the progressive forces amongst republicans, socialists, left nationalists and others to prevent this happening. It will also fall upon these forces to be prepared to defend the independence movement from any external aggression.

The Orange Order has already threatened to take up arms to prevent Scottish independence. The BNP have effectively offered their services as British state stormtroopers in defence of the Union. The section of extreme sectarian loyalists who send letter bombs to people wearing Celtic tops will not think twice about targeting those working to end the Union.

We support the call being made for a militant socialist republican body prepared, if necessary, not just to ensure an anti-imperialist agenda for the independence movement but to defend working class communities from the reactionary forces of loyalism and fascism.


Independence Yes!
Workers Republic Yes!
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