Independence is more popular in Scotland

Came across this on the SNP website.

Independence is more popular in Scotland than the Unionists would like you to think.

See Below:

SNP Constitutional Affairs Spokesman Pete Wishart MP has welcomed an opinion poll by Angus Reid Public Opinion which shows a majority of the people of Scotland back independence or more powers with independence as the most popular option for change. The poll also shows that a majority of people across the UK back independence or more powers.

According to the poll 64% of people in Scotland want independence or more powers. This breaks down as 22% for “some additional powers, including the introduction of a new Scottish rate of income tax”; 17% for “many additional powers, such as full financial autonomy from the UK”; and 25% for independence - the greatest number for those supporting constitutional progress.

The poll also showed 56% of people across the UK supported independence or more powers for Scotland - and again independence is the most popular change option.

Commenting Mr Wishart said:

“There is a clear desire for Scotland to move forward and this poll shows that the Scottish Government’s white paper, which lays out these options, is in tune with what the people of Scotland want - the right to have their say on their constitutional future.

“There is an overwhelming desire in Scotland to extend the powers of the parliament, with independence the most popular option for change. The status quo is no longer acceptable to the VAST majority of the people of Scotland, and this poll reflects that.

“It is very welcome that independence is the most favoured option for constitutional progress and it can be the winning option for Scotland.

"The Calman Commission has been kicked into the longest of long grass by Labour and the Tories, and people's aspirations in Scotland are far more ambitious than the watered down ideas of the London-based parties.

“Independence would allow Scotland the ability to generate MORE jobs and investment with full responsibility for our economy; to remove nuclear weapons from our waters rather than spend £100 billion on new weapons of mass destruction; and to keep our forces out of illegal wars.

“We would also be able to use all the levers and powers available to tackle poverty and to fully represent our interests and our values – such as our world leading commitment to tackle climate change - amongst our neighbours, in the EU and in the world.”
ENDS

Reply to CWI article

A reply to Phillip Stott of CWI

I am disappointed with this article. He argues that present disaffection with current devolution arrangement is caused by failure to solve the problems of working class communities. But this ignores the cultural question and lack of democracy. The strenghtening of Scottish parliamentary powers begins to solve the problem of lack of Scottish Democracy. In other words a parliament the people will find useful to democracy. He recognises the fact we could face a Tory government after the next general election. What better arguments have they ever been to opt for full independence. I am also not happy that he slates the SNP by claiming they would slash public services. I don't think the SNP want that but remain tied to the capitalist system putting limitations on their ability to fight budget cuts and protecting public services. Furthermore Mr Stott of the CWI or Committee Workers International comes out in favour of a parliament with full econonmic powers but ignores the need for full independence. Someone should educate him that in order to get a Socialist Republic first we have to smash the British constitution and crown powers and create a free Scotland, Wales, Ireland and indeed England. Support for beefing up the powers of the Scottish parliament may be widespread amongst the people but that is no excuse not to argue for Scottish independence in full. The political climate will change and indeed the mood of the Scottish people after the election of a Tory government. Republican Socialists will be better placed than ever to argue alongside the SNP for nothing less than Scottish independence therefore solving the problem of a lack of Scottish Democracy.
Larry

Still on track for independence

Murray Ritchie

Still on track for independence

Scottish Review

Have I got this right? Alex Salmond, being the Sun King of Scottish politics, governs by force of personality. Without the benefit of a parliamentary majority he gets his way by turning his countenance on his enemies and watching them wilt in his glare.

Perplexed and divided they come up with a cunning plan. They decide to appease the great leader by offering some limited constitutional co-operation. This the Sun King graciously accepts because, of course, it serves his purpose. Half a loaf and all that…

But when the great man calls his opponents' bluff and invites them to vote for their own brainwave they suddenly lose their nerve and run again for shade. It is all rather confusing. They may appear ridiculous, even pathetic, as the onward march of Scottish self-determination is again delayed for a moment or two but that's Scottish politics, folks. We're all gradualists now, like it or not.

This constitutional constipation is interpreted by Salmond's enemies in the venal Holyrood commentariat – where the Unionists enjoy a hostile majority – as the SNP at last hitting the buffers and the Sun King heading for the guillotine.

Well, somehow I doubt it. At times like this the opponents of independence take heart. There’s Michael (Lord) Forsyth suggesting Gordon Brown should obey Wendy Alexander's 'bring it on' demand for an independence referendum. Considering His Lordship made a career from misreading Scottish political opinion, I doubt Gordon Brown would be tempted. I suppose he could overcome his party's parrot protest that in time of economic crisis we have more to worry about than further constitutional change. He could argue that the cost of an independence referendum would be minimal if conducted alongside a general election and his suggested referendum on electoral reform next year.

At first sight it is a plausible plan for calling Mr Salmond's own bluff – except of course that unlike the Unionists, Mr Salmond is not bluffing. He reckons – and I see much force in his optimism – that he might win, and his assorted Unionist opponents – less gung-ho than Forsyth and Alexander – worry that he might be right.

Here's why. At times like this our political class tends to get preoccupied with the small picture, the latest scandal, the newest opinion poll. But after a lifetime watching the SNP and its contribution to Scottish life I suspect the future looks rather rosy for Mr Salmond and for independence. Polls and scandals and reshuffles and by-election successes and failures come and go and are merely the punctuation in Scotland's political story. The narrative only becomes interesting when the SNP is making waves and that has been the storyline now for more than a decade.

History shows you should expect the unexpected with the SNP. Only four years ago the Nationalists were written off in Westminster opinion polls, registering a measly 13% support. Today they are running the country and favourites to continue after 2011. Salmond's plan for independence enjoys, at worst, a sound building block of support from about a third of the electorate where a generation ago it was almost non-existent.

Whenever the SNP dip in the polls we hear how 'the Scottish people don’t want independence' but remember this: we know from these same polls that the Scottish people want more constitutional power in some form. And when they get more devolution we have learned that this just feeds their appetite for yet more. This is gradualism in practice, which is why reaction to Salmond's white paper suggests if you put together those favouring independence and/or more devolution you get a huge majority. That explains Salmond’s belief that a multi-option referendum is another step to independence. If the high road via a referendum next year is closed, then it is only sensible to take the low.

In other words if Salmond manages to chip away at the Union, as he is doing with the Unionists trying to buy him off with concessions, then there will come a time when the pile of chips is bigger than what’s left of the block. From there it is just another step to the Sun King's apotheosis when the Union as we know it will be history.

The story so far has been relentless, from the disappointment of the 1979 referendum which signalled the death of Tory Scotland and the emergence of a new civic nationalism. Eventually this led to the 2007 referendum whose outcome stunned the Unionist last ditchers with the SNP going on to govern from a parliament established with the express objective of killing nationalism stone dead.

Nothing in 300 years of Union has been more significant than Scotland turning to a secessionist party for leadership. As Salmond said at the time there may be Labour governments in future – and he is probably correct – but the Labour/Unionist monolith crushing all aspects of Scottish life is busted for all time. With electoral reform local government has already been opened to all politics, killing off Labour's anti-democratic grip. Holyrood's loaded voting rules could be in line for the chop and if Brown goes ahead as promised with a referendum on Westminster electoral reform we could even see the day when the SNP is Scotland's biggest party in the Commons.

This cannot have escaped the attention of Unionists more thoughtful than Lord Forsyth and must explain why the Unionist coalition is in disarray on Calman.

The Tories have reverted to type on their promise of more devolution by reneging at the first phone call from David Cameron and now say they will bring forward their own proposals if they oust Labour at Westminster.

Labour says it sticks by Calman but won’t actually do anything to legislate unless and until it wins the general election. Some hope. As for the Liberal Democrats, still wondering where their fingers are, who can say?

Anyway, I am not sure British general elections matter much any more in Scotland in these devolutionary days. I remember a by-election in Paisley in 1997 that coincided with a new feature of Scottish politics. System Three opinion polling was first to suggest a consistent difference between voting intentions for Holyrood and Westminster and it proved correct. I can still see the face of Labour's campaigners in that by-election when we showed them the evidence that the SNP vote always rises when the contest is for Holyrood.

Scots may be lukewarm about independence for the moment – which is why Salmond is perforce a cautious gradualist – but they still perceive an advantage in having the SNP in strength in Edinburgh. I can see no reason why this should change and every reason why the SNP can only benefit next time from the Sun King’s personal domination of parliament. According to a Nationalist friend of mine, Salmond is the only man in Scotland who can swagger when he's sitting down. I suspect the Scots rather like that and respect him for it even if not everyone loves him. For the moment our First Minister remains the smartest political operator in Britain and the Scots know it. I have no faith in a government of English Tory toffs driving Scottish voters to independence. Rather the Tories are simply irrelevant now. Labour will split and argue about the Scottish question if defeat comes next year and that again can only benefit Salmond. I suspect the Labour left, if it survives, would warm to independence when it assesses its future.

So, despite those routine dips and blips in its fortunes, I think the independence cause will prosper. Even a defeat two years from now would not be fatal for the SNP, just another pause until the next advance, probably at a time when Scotland is recovering from this year's economic shocks. Salmond knows all this and is content to play the long game, confident that his gradualism proves that advance is inexorable as he continues to confound his opponents. And he can reflect that the other Sun King, the French chap, never faced the guillotine but died in his bed a happy man in old age.

Murray Ritchie is former convener of the Scottish Independence Convention

Independence not despair

Alex Salmond produced his White Paper on a referendum on Scottish Independence on St Andrews Day. A multi-option referendum no less but more significant is the Unionists determination to vote down any referendum in 2010.

As Republican Socialists we are revolutionary in thinking and can see the limitations of parliamentary representative democracy in today's Scotland.

But should we despair? No probably the best time to hold an independence referendum is after the election of a Tory government. People in Scotland will vote Labour, SNP, Green and Socialist but not Conservative. This leaves the unsolved issue for the union that is England votes Tory while Scotland and Wales don't. An issue in the 90s a Westminster government with no democratic mandate to rule in Scotland. The SNP have promised to make independence referendum an election issue (general election) if the Unionists vote down the Referendum Bill.

So are we reformist for waiting for party politics to change our political future? Of course not we put our faith in the working class as John MacLean did. However with no revolution round the corner we still campaign. Let party politics take it's course. The SNP intentions are by large genuine.

So we should say let the Unionists be suffocated by their own intransigence.

IRSN MacLean Commemoration Statement

IRSN MacLean Commemoration Statement

Comrades,

As Scottish Republican Socialists gather again this year to pay tribute to the inspiration provided by John MacLean, the comrades of the International Republican Socialist Network join you in saluting this giant of the international socialist movement.

The lessons that John MacLean provided in his own time are just as important today, perhaps more so, as the Scottish working class is now in a period of potential opportunity that is unequaled. MacLean recognised that the potential for working class revolution was greater in Scotland than it was in the island of Britain as a whole and on this basis insisted that Scottish workers organise separately, into a distinct revolutionary party. MacLean was no narrow or romantic nationalist- -he was an exemplary internationalist, recognised throughout the international socialist movement for his work in opposition to the fratricide of the first world war--but he understood that the struggle for socialism throughout the islands of Britain and Ireland demanded the destruction of the British imperial state and saw that revolutionary action in Scotland provided a means of striking a blow against British imperialism, assisting the revolutionary forces then active in Ireland, and enabling Sc!
ottish workers their best opportunity for class liberation.

Today in the islands of Britain and Ireland, it remains necessary to undermine and overthrow the reactionary British imperialist state and it is clear that Scottish and Welsh workers would be more powerful within the confines of their distinct nations, at present, than they are when forced to contend with the greater bastions of reaction within England as well. Far from abandoning their English sisters and brothers, this revolutionary strategy offers a means to strike significant blows against the entire British state, which can only assist working class revolutionaries within the English nation.

However, Scottish workers must remember that the republican socialist struggle welds together the fight for national liberation and the struggle to liberate our class. As that other great Scottish-born republican socialist, James Connolly, made plain, these struggles cannot be separated. The national liberation struggle in Scotland can only be won in a meaningful way for Scottish working people through the creation of a Scottish workers' republic and the struggle for socialism in Scotland cannot be won without the destruction of the imperial British state, which means the liberation of the Scottish and Welsh nations from continued union within that state. There is no first this and then this. There is one fight to be one--the struggle to build a Scottish workers' republic and anything that falls short of that is no stepping stone or way-station, but only defeat.

But, there is another aspect of John MacLean's analysis that continues to hold important lessons for Scottish working people; one that receives far less attention. As the historical research of James Young has demonstrated, John MacLean aligned himself with other revolutionary socialists internationally; in Germany and the Netherlands, in Italy and Ireland, in Russia and America who we now refer to by the term Council Communists. This was a revolutionary tendency within international socialism that sought to return to Marx and Engels' understanding that it is the working class itself that can make a social revolution, not any party acting in its name; that it is the working class itself that must lead the way forward to class war and social revolution, because the consciousness of socialism arises from their actual experience under capitalism.

This too, we must learn from MacLean today--our class creates all of the wealth in the world; every wheel that turns does so because our class enables it to; and we need no leadership provided by any class other than our own to determine the road to liberation. The working class movement does not belong in the hands of university lecturers, trade union bureaucrats, or members of the parliament or assembly. but must be led by the working class itself, confident in its own abilities. This lesson from John MacLean is as important for Scottish working women and men today as is his pioneering vision in calling for a Scottish Workers' Republic.

Comrades, today let us pay tribute to the tremendous example provided by John MacLean and let us also re-dedicate ourselves to fight for the Scottish Workers' Republic he first proclaimed and to ensuring that it will be a true Workers' Republic, led by our own class, standing proudly shoulder-to- shoulder. We have been naught, but we shall be all!

Peter Urban
Comrade, International Republican Socialist Network

Annual John MacLean/St Andrew's Day Rally.

Annual John MacLean/St Andrew's Day Rally.
Sunday November 29
1.30 pm
Gather Corner of Boydston Rd, facing Eastwood Cemetery, where MacLean is buried.
To MacLean Cairn Shawbridege Arcade, Shawbridge St.
Speeches and Albannach, plus Adhamh Macleod and co. in Carey's Bar across the road in Shawbridge St, next to police Station, High Flats.

Gerry Cairns: Oration at MacLean's Grave, Eastwood Cemetery. 1 pm

Speakers inside bar:- Lloyd Quinan, Dr Jas D Young, SNP MSP. Alasdair MacPherson, SNP Bannockburn Councilor, Brian Quail, SCND.

The Scottish Republican Socialist Newsletter is happy to publicise this event. While the author is not a member of SRSM we note the important contribution SRSM make to Republican Socialism in Scotland.

Why we should work together for independence

An independent Scotland would weaken parties like the BNP and deal with the cancer of the Scottish Defence League.

It is time the pro-independence parties sat down to hold discussions with the SNP. A single candidate standing for independence would make sense and ensure the Left did not split the vote. Differences between Scottish Left factions over socialism should not take priority over Scottish independence. Once the transition to independence is made we can battle for a Workers Republic. A Scottish Workers Socialist Republic cannot be achieved without independence. Our goal of a Scottish Republic need not take second place to the agenda of the reformist SNP. But we must keep our eye on the ball and consider the political landscape and the SNP proposals for an independence referendum.

As public support for an referendum on the issue of independence is at an all time high we need to consider the idea of public pressure politics. Where are the demonstrations being organized for an independence referendum? Why have public meetings involving cross party support and public figures not been organized to tour Scotland and bring the message to the people? Why have elections not been used to put an independence referendum to the top of the political agenda? These are some questions we should be asking.

The SNP cannot win independence alone on a platform of constitutional nationalism. They need to be prepared to work with others as the Scottish Left must be prepared to consider the needs of Nationalists to get us to the goal of independence.

The pro-independence parties of the Scottish Greens, Scottish Socialist Party, Solidarity and any others must be willing to hold discussions with the SNP about making independence and the referendum top priority between now and 2012.

We face a general election probably next year with the possibility of years of Tory rule after a Conservative victory. The consequences for Scotland are immense so we must be prepared to work together to smash the British union and the status quo.
Larry

The right to choose Scottish Freedom

The article in Scotland On Sunday by Mike Russell is most welcome he writes: It is no longer tenable for any democratic party in Scotland to stand in the way of that right to choose
and as time goes by, the confused signals from other parties indicate that they, too, realise there cannot be an indefinite delay in allowing the people to have their say.

The latest example of that is the internal debate within the Scottish Liberal Democrats, who have now convened a special session at their autumn conference next week to debate the party's stance on a referendum That has come about, seemingly, because of deep disquiet in Lib Dem ranks, especially at the grass-roots level, about the position taken by the party leadership in standing against a vote of the people. It is, indeed, passing strange that a party whose very name proclaims its democratic credentials and which ordinarily favours referenda on a range of issues should have thus far proved so resolutely opposed to a referendum on Scotland's future.

As Scottish Republican Socialists we should back the wishes of two-thirds of the Scottish people to be allowed a referendum on independence. Russell also goes on to say "The London parties would do well to heed the words of Irish home rule campaigner Charles Stewart Parnell, whose observation that no-one "has the right to fix the boundary of the march of a nation" prefaced the Scottish Government's first white paper on the constitution in August 2007.

It is clear the people of Scotland want to have a choice on their future, and we intend to give them the chance to seize the benefits that only independence can bring."

Scottish Republican Socialists most welcome the SNP initiative but should warn that attempts to get the Referendum Bill passed in Holyrood could mean accepting a third option on the ballot paper of more fiscal powers from Calman Commission. Most people including the SNP leader Alex Salmond would be more comfortable with a straight choice Yes/No referendum on independence.

And here lies the dilemma of constitutional nationalism that fights as a minority government in parliament.

What is clear is the next general election to Westminster could mean the Tories find themselves without all out victory but instead a hung parliament while unlikely to have any representation in Scotland.

Interesting times certainly lie ahead in the Scottish and London parliaments in 2010. but as a true republican socialist I will not put my faith in parliamentary politics but remain true to revolutionary politics to effect real change and thus a Workers Republic.
Larry

IRSM release statement

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

11 October 2009
Irish Republican Socialist Party

STATEMENT ON BEHALF OF THE LEADERSHIP OF THE IRISH REPUBLICAN
SOCIALIST MOVEMENT

The Irish National Liberation Army and Irish Republican Socialist
Party were formed in 1974 in order to create a 32 County Socialist
Republic. In those 35 years, military volunteers and political
activists have fought with courage and honour and have struck at the
heart of the British military and political machine in Ireland and in
Britain. The INLA is a key constituency within the Republican
Socialist Movement. The INLA recognised that its struggle was based
upon two distinct phases:

1. Armed Resistance
2. Political Organisation

In 1994, the INLA put in place a no first strike policy and in 1998
called a complete ceasefire. Both of these decisions were based on
its political analysis and monitoring of the changing military and
political environment. The recent progress on loyalist
decommissioning can be traced back to the INLA's no first strike
policy of 1994 and the INLA acknowledges this progressive step by
loyalism.

The RSM has been informed by the INLA that following a process of
serious debate, consultation and analysis, it has concluded that the
armed struggle is over and the objective of a 32 County Socialist
Republic will be best achieved through exclusively peaceful political
struggle.

The RSM agree with this analysis and are fully supportive of the move
to build a left wing party that has a clear objective of a 32 County
Socialist Republic based on the principles of equality, justice,
inclusion, human rights and dignity.

It is within the above objective that the RSM opposed the Good Friday
Agreement and continues to do so. We as a movement believe that the
Six County State is not a viable political entity, which cannot be
reformed and fitted into a flawed two state solution.

The RSM has always aspired to the principle of the primacy of
politics as espoused by Ta Power.

The future struggles are political. We urge all comrades, members,
volunteers and supporters to join the political struggle ahead with
the same vigour, commitment and courage that was evident in our armed
struggle against the British State.

To paraphrase James Connolly, "let us arise," build a left political
alternative in Ireland and support the struggle against global
capitalism.

Ultimately our allegiance is to the working class. Onwards to victory.

###

Irish Republican Socialist Party
Costello House
392B Falls Road
Belfast BT12 6DH
Ireland
Click here for IRSM website

'Armed struggle is over' - INLA

Both the BBC and RTE have reported a significant development in the history of the Irish National Liberation Army. This weblog recognises the importance role of Ireland's Republican Socialist Movement towards peace and an end to sectarianism. For improved communities and an end to the drugs problem in society.

The Scottish Republican Socialist Newsletter salute the INLA and RSM for this brave decision.

BBC Report below:

'Armed struggle is over' - INLA
INLA men at funeral in 1996
The INLA has been on ceasefire for 11 years

An Irish republican paramilitary group responsible for dozens of murders during Northern Ireland's Troubles has renounced violence.

The Irish National Liberation Army said its "armed struggle is over".

The INLA said it would pursue its objectives from now on by "exclusively peaceful political struggle".

Its statement did not mention weapons decommissioning, but it is understood talks have begun and the government hopes the process will begin in months.

A small group which proved itself to be ruthless during the Troubles, it has been on ceasefire for 11 years.

The statement was issued through its political wing, the Irish Republican Socialist Party, at an event in Bray, County Wicklow on Sunday.

"The republican socialist movement has been informed by the INLA that following a process of serious debate, consultation and analysis, it has concluded that the armed struggle is over," it said.

"The objective of a 32-county socialist republic will be best achieved through exclusively peaceful political struggle."

'Deadline'

Northern Ireland Secretary Shaun Woodward said he welcomed the INLA's statement but "it is essential that words are matched to deeds".

Mr Woodward urged the INLA to destroy its weapons before the deadline in February when the decommissioning body is due to be wound up.

Established in 1975, many of its recruits were former members of the Official IRA.

They murdered Conservative Northern Ireland spokesman Airey Neave in 1979 by leaving a bomb under his car at Westminster.

The organisation was also responsible for one of Northern Ireland's worst atrocities.

In 1982 it killed 17 people in a bomb attack on the Droppin' Well pub in Ballykelly, County Londonderry.


INLA KILLINGS 1975 - 2001
Scene of Droppin' Well bombing
42 civilians
46 UK security forces
16 republican paramilitaries
Seven loyalist paramilitary
Two Irish security forces
Total: 113
Republican figures includes 10 INLA members killed in feuds
*Source: CAIN Troubles archive

Who are the INLA?
In pictures: INLA history
Political reaction

The INLA also murdered loyalist LVF leader Billy Wright at the Maze prison.

Three members of the INLA died in the jail while on hunger strike in the 1980s.

Despite being on ceasefire since 1998, it has carried out a number of shootings and engaged in a wide range of criminal activity.

The group has regularly indulged in bouts of bloody infighting.

In February this year, the INLA claimed responsibility for the murder of a drug dealer in Londonderry.

It is mainly involved in organised crime, such as extortion and robbery.

Last year police investigating the INLA and associates in County Londonderry seized controlled drugs with an estimated value of £10,000.

The INLA has been talking to intermediaries representing the British and Irish governments for several months.

The group is also believed to be engaged in talks with the head of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, General John de Chastelain about putting its weapons beyond use.

RTE Report:

INLA ends campaign of violence
Sunday, 11 October 2009 16:17

The INLA has announced that it is to end its armed struggle.

In a statement read out at the commemoration of its founding member, a spokesperson said that it would continue its campaign for a 32 County Socialist Republic through peaceful and political means.

This afternoon in Bray, Co Wicklow, around 60 republicans and socialists gathered for their annual commemoration of Seamus Costello.
Advertisement

He was the man who, 35 years ago, founded the Irish National Liberation Army.

After the traditional wreath -laying ceremony, a member of the Irish Republican Socialist Party, the political wing of the INLA, announced that the organisation had decided to end its armed struggle.

He said that the group had concluded that its objective of a 32 County Socialist Republic was best achieved through peaceful and political means.

The announcement brings to an end a 35 year campaign which has claimed around 150 lives.

After the IRA called its ceasefires in the 90s and eventually ended its campaign, the INLA remained in existence.

The INLA was notorious for the ruthless nature of its attacks and today's decision is both a significant and welcome development.

In recent years it was involved in several murders and has remained active in Derry, Strabane, parts of Belfast and in Dublin.

The PSNI and gardaí often linked it to racketeering and drugs related businesses.

INLA in BBC report

The BBC have reported that the INLA are to renounce violence. The BBC bourgeois media reports:

Click here for BBC report

An Irish republican paramilitary group responsible for hundreds of murders during Northern Ireland's troubles is to announce it is renouncing violence.

It is expected that the Irish National Liberation Army will say on Sunday afternoon that in future it will pursue exclusively peaceful means.

The INLA is a small but ruthless group that murdered more than 150 people, but has been on ceasefire for 11 years.

The group is expected to decommission its weapons within months.

The INLA was established in 1975, with many recruits being former members of the Official IRA.

They murdered Conservative Northern Ireland spokesman Airey Neave in 1979 by leaving a bomb under his car at Westminster.

The organisation was also responsible for one of Northern Ireland's worst atrocities.

In 1982 it killed 17 people in a bomb attack on the Droppin' Well pub in Ballykelly, County Londonderry.

The INLA also murdered loyalist LVF leader Billy Wright at the Maze prison. Three members of the INLA died in the jail while on hunger strike in the 1980s.

Despite being on ceasefire since 1998 it has carried out a number of shootings and engaged in a wide range of criminal activity.

The group has regularly indulged in bouts of bloody infighting.

In February this year, the INLA claimed responsibility for the murder of a drug dealer in Londonderry.

It is mainly involved in organised crime, such as extortion and robbery.

Last year police investigating the INLA and associates in County Londonderry seized controlled drugs with an estimated value of £10,000.

The INLA has been taking with intermediaries representing the British and Irish governments for several months.

The group is also believed to be engaged in talks with the head of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, General John de Chastelain about putting its weapons beyond use.

My own view is that it is to their credit for holding to their ceasefire for 11 years. The IRSP/INLA have done a lot of good work against drug barons and improving the community particularly in Strabane.

It could be supposition from the bourgeois media. I rather wait for a statement from them.
Larry

Thomas Muir Event

Arrangements now confirmed for the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement's Thomas Muir Talk, to be held at 2 pm, Saturday, September 5th, in the car park, third left just off Huntershill Road, (which is first left off Auchinairn Road coming from the west) in Glasgow.

The event is being held in a shed there, with a stall. George Watson, owner of the thomas Muir Cafe, will give a talk on Thomas Muir and the walk round the Huntershill House, which the Council are determined to destroy. This will be followed by some songs, accompanied with guitar, including some original Thomas Muir songs.

Thomas Muir of Huntershill

Thomas Muir of Huntershill

From Democratic Green Socialist by-monthly online magazine

My name is Thomas Muir, as a lawyer I was trained
Remember Thomas Muir of Huntershill
But you’ve branded me an outlaw, for sedition I’m arraigned
Remember Thomas Muir of Huntershill
But I never preached sedition in any shape or form
And against the constitution I have never raised a storm
It’s the scoundrels who’ve corrupted it that I want to reform
Remember Thomas Muir of Huntershill

(Words Dick Gaughan)

When the Westminster Parliament resumes sitting in October of this year, one of the first pieces of business likely to be undertaken by the Government will be the lodging of the writ for the Glasgow North East By-election.

The by-election is unlike any other in that it has been caused by the resignation of a Speaker of the House of Commons for the first time since 1695. The House, rocked to its core by the expenses scandal, turned on Speaker Michael Martin, the Glasgow North East representative and demanded he pay the ultimate price for his handling of an affair that has seen public confidence in our political representatives reach a new low.

It is extremely unlikely that there will be a high turnout. The constituency includes areas of Glasgow, such as Springburn that are amongst the poorest of any city in Western Europe. Prior to boundary reorganisation, Springburn regularly had the lowest voter turnout in the UK. Thousands have turned their backs on a political process that seems to offer nothing to them and their families.

It is therefore an irony that within a parliamentary constituency likely to register as low a turnout as any in this country, lies the home of a man who sacrificed everything to try and ensure that the ordinary people were entitled to the vote and the chance to play a part in a process that during his lifetime was the sole preserve of the wealthy and powerful.

Within the Bishopbriggs part of the constituency, on the old post road between Glasgow and Edinburgh, lies Huntershill House, the family home of the radical Scottish advocate and reformer Thomas Muir.

The story of Thomas Muir of Huntershill reads like a cross between a political thriller, a courtroom drama and a boys own adventure. Were it to be presented to a group of Hollywood script writers it would likely be rejected as being unbelievable. Yet the incredible tale of this giant of the Scottish reform movement, a revolutionary hero in America, appointed Minister of The Scottish Republic by the French Revolutionary Government, inspirer of Robert Burns, friend of Thomas Paine and the leading figure of the Scottish Political Martyrs is known to fewer than a relative handful of people in his native land.

I first stumbled across the story of Muir quite by accident. After just missing a bus back to the Borders I found myself with time to kill on Edinburgh’s Waterloo Place. I entered the Old Calton Burial Ground to look around the various tombs, gravestones and monuments. A faded notice on the gates informs visitors that included within the walls of the cemetery opened in 1718 can be found memorials to the Enlightenment philosopher David Hume and the first statue of Abraham Lincoln outside of America commemorating the Scots soldiers who fought in the Civil War.

Yet, it is another monument that dominates the graveyard and stands visible above the famous spires and buildings of Scotland’s capital city. Standing over 100ft tall, the grey-black sandstone obelisk in the centre of the burial ground grabbed my attention. Inscribed on one side was the following;

“I have devoted myself to the cause of The People. It is a good cause - it shall ultimately prevail - it shall finally triumph.

Speech of Thomas Muir in the Court of Judiciary on 30 August 1793.”

As a socialist I was immediately intrigued as to who was the author of this inspirational and profound statement.

Below Muir’s statement was another;

“I know that what has been done these two days will be Re-Judged.

Speech of William Skirving in the Court of Judiciary on 7 January 1794”

The obelisk, known as the Martyr’s Monument, had another, final inscription.

“To The Memory Of Thomas Muir, Thomas Fyshe Palmer, William Skirving, Maurice Margarot and Joseph Gerrald. Erected by the Friends of Parliamentary Reform in England and Scotland, 1844.”

I set out to find out more about the men that had inspired so magnificent a monument that unusually seemed to celebrate a cause of the people rather than a wealthy or powerful individual.

I uncovered a story that moves Muir between disruption and controversy at Glasgow University, a sparkling career in the Faculty of Advocates and courtrooms of Edinburgh, from conventions of the Friends of The People in Scotland to membership of The United Irishmen, prison hulks in the Thames, motions of support for him in the Westminster Parliament, transportation to Australia, rescue, shipwreck, arrival in Cuba, injury, incredible escapes and finally death in revolutionary France.

My article merely scratches the surface of a remarkable time and does not pretend to be anything other than an introduction to one of Scotland’s most remarkable men.

Thomas Muir’s Early Years

Yes, I spoke to Paisley weavers and addressed the city’s youth
For neither age nor class should be a barrier to the truth
M’lord, you may chastise them with your vitriolic tongue
You say that books are dangerous to those I moved among
But the future of our land is with the workers and the young

(Dick Gaughan)

The story of Muir begins exactly 244 years ago from the date of this article on 24th August 1765 when Margaret Muir (nee Smith) gave birth to a son in Glasgow. Thomas’s father James Muir was an orthodox Presbyterian who had achieved success as a hop merchant with premises in the city’s High Street.

An educated man, Muir’s father was credited with writing a pamphlet entitled, “England’s Foreign Trade.” His business acumen meant he was able to move the family from a small flat above the city centre business to a substantial property, built by Glasgow merchant James Martin, called Huntershill House in Bishopbriggs.

Thomas, described in contemporary accounts as, “a pious child of modest, reserved nature’ began his schooling at the age of five when his father employed a private tutor. By the time he was ten he was a student at Glasgow University and initially, with his parent’s encouragement, studied divinity. However, Muir’s life changed irrevocably when he attended the lectures of the Republican Whig Professor of Civil Law, John Miller.

Miller had established a reputation that attracted students from across the world to his classes. A former pupil of Adam Smith and David Hume, he influenced the 17 year old Muir to such an extent that he dropped his aspirations to serve the church and instead embarked upon studies in Law and Government.

Politics in Scotland at the time Muir was attending Miller’s classes was dominated by one man, Henry Dundas, Viscount Melville (1742 – 1811). Nicknamed “Harry the Ninth” and often referred to as the uncrowned King of Scotland, Dundas was a defacto dictator whose contacts in the legal profession and in politics put him in a position of unparalleled power and influence. His half brother Robert was Lord President of the Court of Session and his nephew, (also Robert) was Lord Advocate of Scotland. A Tory MP, Dundas was a favourite of Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger. He endeared himself to his Tory colleagues by successfully blocking attempts to finally abolish the slave trade whilst serving as Secretary of State for the Home Department.

Professor Miller was determined to use his influence help counter Dundas and his Tory placemen and set out to produce a generation of young Whig lawyers who would enter the conservative Faculty of Advocates. Thomas Muir was set to be one of these young lawyers.

Muir became a confident and driven young man and was soon involved in his first battle with the establishment in 1785 when he and ten others were accused of organising a petition in defence of University Professor John Anderson who was in dispute with the Faculty of Glasgow University.

Anderson was another influential and radical lecturer who caused controversy by advocating teaching what he called “anti-toga” classes in which he took the unprecedented decision to allow the ordinary citizens of the city to attend rather than just the elite. Anderson went on to establish the Andersonian Institute (later to become Strathclyde University.)

Muir and the others rallied to the Anderson’s cause after he was suspended following a dispute over the Professor’s claim that University funds were being abused.

Disciplinary action was taken against Muir and the others which resulted in their expulsion from the University. This harsh punishment meant that most of his contemporaries never qualified as lawyers. Thanks to his father and a series of influential friends, Muir was able to resume and complete his studies in Edinburgh and in 1787 was admitted to the Faculty of Advocates.

Muir quickly gained a reputation as a formidable advocate and raised eyebrows by offering his services gratis for those unable to afford the exorbitant fees charged by other lawyers. His status was further enhanced when he successfully represented the congregation the Church of Scotland in the Parish of Cadder against the rich local landowners and coal barons who were attempting to influence the selection of a new minister.

It was events in France however that were determine Muir’s fate.

The French Revolution and Scottish Friends of the People

Muir and other Whigs had been involved in advocating Burgh and Parliamentary reform. At the time, only a literal handful of wealthy landowners were entitled to vote in Parliamentary elections. Their cause was boosted by events in France in 1789 when the French people rose up against the monarchy and established a Republic based on the principles of “liberte, egalite and fraternite.”

The ideas of the revolution spread quickly in Edinburgh and beyond throughout 1789 and led to an explosion in newspapers, magazines, periodicals, debating clubs and societies discussing the great issues thrown up by the earth shattering events across the Channel.

To Dundas and others in the political establishment however, the French revolution represented a threat to their carefully constructed system of patronage and privilege and were determined to suppress any movement sympathetic to the French revolutionary cause.

Even within the Whig establishment, differences began to emerge between younger radicals such as Muir and more conservative aristocratic elements worried that the “sans culottes” of Britain might rise up and threaten their position in society.

When Edmund Burke, the Irish statesman, author and political theorist wrote his famous “Reflections on the French Revolution”, a document written in response caused panic in the British establishment. “The Rights of Man”, written by Thomas Paine, an Englishman who had fought on the side of American revolutionaries, was immediately banned for being seditious. In it Paine stated:

“The fact, therefore, must be that the individuals, themselves, each, in his own personal and sovereign right, entered into a compact with each other to produce a government: and this is the only mode in which governments have a right to arise, and the only principle on which they have a right to exist.”

Attempts by the government to suppress its distribution proved futile and thousands of copies were read across the country by a population clamouring for change and new ideas.

From 1789 onwards, Corresponding societies were established in most of the major cities in Britain. In 1792 in Scotland it was agreed to merge most of these disparate groups into one Scottish formation to be named The Friends of the People.

Thomas Muir, along with a farmer from Fife called William Skirving were fundamental to the process of establishing the Friends of the People and the organisation was formed in Edinburgh in July 1792.

The summer of 1792 saw the Government in permanent fear of revolution and popular uprisings. The month prior to the establishment of the Friends of the People had seen the date of the Kings birthday celebrated by an Edinburgh mob which for 3 days rioted and burnt effigies of Dundas and his nephew. Soldiers were heard to cry “Damn the King” and revolutionary slogans were daubed on the walls of the capital.

For the first time a fresh voice was clamouring to be heard in Scottish society. The new and burgeoning class of workers and artisans was no longer satisfied with sympathetic aristocrats with a conscience campaigning for reforms on their behalf. They would no longer be ignored.

Government agents and spies were everywhere and one reported;

“All the lower ranks, particularly the operative manufacturers with a considerable number of their employers, are poisoned with an enthusiastic rage for ideal liberty that will not be crushed by coercive measures.”

It was against this background that in December 1792 the Friends of the People gathered for their first convention in Edinburgh. From across Scotland, 160 delegates (some of them government spies) from 35 corresponding or debating societies met to discuss their cause. Lawyers, doctors, generals (including the MP for Inverness) and soldiers mixed with artisans and weavers. The nobility was represented by Lord Daer.

Muir, who had brought himself to the establishment’s attention once again by representing one of the King’s birthday rioters, had arranged with the other leaders for the convention to swear the French tennis court oath to “live free or die!” This act alone would be enough to draw unwanted attention from the paranoid government.

Yet Muir would have realised that the convention represented a broad constituency of views and opinions rather than a pure and revolutionary sect. Whilst the workers and artisans clamoured for change, the nobility and generals urged caution and restraint. In a delightfully contradictory move, the convention agreed on the one hand that the franchise should be extended to all males over the age of 21 whilst on the other agreeing to assist civil powers in any suppression of riots! (Those of us who have been involved in broad campaigns will no doubt have come across similar paradoxes!)

Muir however represented the more radical wing of the movement. He was convinced not just of the need for parliamentary reform but also in the cause of Scottish independence from England. He drew further attention to himself by reading to the convention an address of support from The United Irishmen with who he had been in regular correspondence. (He had also circulated copies of the address to delegates prior to the meeting.) He was vigorously opposed in presenting this address by Unionists within the gathering including the influential Lord Daer and Col. William Dalrymple. Muir insisted however and added;

“We do not, we cannot, consider ourselves as mowed and melted down into another country. Have we not distinct Courts, Judges, Juries, Laws, etc.?”

It was for this act, as much as anything else that the establishment singled out Muir as the major threat and became determined to put an end to the political career of the young lawyer. The Lord Advocate Robert Dundas swore in relation to Thomas Muir that he would “lay by the heels on a charge of High Treason.”

Thus, on January 2nd 1793 Muir found himself under arrest on the extremely serious charge of sedition. Brought in front of a sheriff and interrogated at length, Muir refused to answer any questions. It came as a surprise, (especially to him) that he found himself free on bail until his trial date in April and he wasted no time in building support for his cause. He travelled to London to meet members of the English reform societies and found them to be in a state of panic over the French Governments decision to execute their King. Muir knew that the delicate coalition he and others had built up advocating reform could be torn asunder by the act of regicide. He felt that sympathetic influential men would abandon the cause if the execution took place and so Muir decided to travel to Paris and plead restraint to the French Government.

Fate would have it otherwise, however, as he did not arrive in the French capital until the eve of Louis XVI date with the guillotine, and was too late to have an effect. He was however feted by influential members of the Revolutionary Government, met Thomas Paine and the Scottish Doctor William Maxwell, future friend of the poet Robert Burns. The monarchies of Europe were now determined to militarily defeat the French and feelings back home in Scotland became more polarised as war loomed. Knowing full well that Muir was on the continent, Lord Advocate Robert Dundas announced that Muir’s trial would be brought forward from April to February 11th.

When Muir was informed he immediately despatched notice that he would return as soon as passport difficulties would allow. (Due to the problems of the state of war that existed between Britain and France.) The legal establishment ignored his appeals on February 25th, Robert McQueen, Lord Braxfield declared Muir a fugitive from justice. Muir ignored appeals from friends and family to stay in France and announced his intention to return and defend himself against the charges. In his absence, the Faculty of Advocates, led by the arch Tory Henry Erskine took the disgraceful opportunity to expel Muir.
Lord Braxfield

It was June before Muir was able to find a ship, (an American vessel named “The Hope of Boston”) that would take him to Belfast. In a move that sealed his fate further he travelled south to Dublin where he met with and was sworn in as an honorary member of The United Irishmen. He left Belfast on his 28th birthday to make the short crossing to his native land and was arrested almost immediately upon his arrival when a customs officer in Portpatrick recognised him. He was taken in chains to Edinburgh and it is said that as the coach passed through Gatehouse on Fleet the spectacle was witnessed by fellow radical Robert Burns who set to work composing “Scot’s Wha Hae” repeating the tennis court oath of “let us do or die.” Although the poem is ostensibly about William Wallace, Burns is paying tribute to Muir and his final draft was finished on the day Muir’s trial began.

The Trial of Thomas Muir

M’lord, you found me guilty before the trial began
Remember ...Thomas Muir
And the jury that you’ve picked are Tory placemen to a man
Remember ...Thomas Muir

Yet here I stand for judgement unafraid what may befall
Though your spies were in my parish Kirk and in my father’s hall
Not one of them can testify I ever broke a law
Remember ...Thomas Muir

(Dick Gaughan)

The trial took place before the notorious Robert McQueen, Lord Braxfield (1722 – 1799). Born in Lanark, Braxfield quickly gained a reputation as a fearsome judge. Braxfield provided the model for Lord Weir in Robert Louis Stevenson’s unfinished novel “Weir of Hermiston.”

He is said to have commented to one defendant;

“Ye’re a vera clever chiel, man, but ye wad be nane the waur o' a hanging.”

McQueen was a friend of Robert and Henry Dundas who passionately believed that only those who owned property were entitled to vote in an election. He said;

“A government in every country should be just like a corporation, and in this country it is made up of the landed interest, which alone has the right to be represented. As for the rabble, who have nothing but personal property, what hold has the nation on them? What security for payment of their taxes? They may pack up all the property on their backs and leave the country in the twinkling on an eye. But landed property cannot be removed.”

A new charge was brought into being to charge Muir, that of “Unconscious sedition”!

Charges made against Thomas Muir in August 1793.

(1) That he attended meetings at Kirk-in-Tilloch and Milton, of a society for reform, in which he had delivered speeches in which he seditiously endeavoured to represent the government as oppressive and tyrannical.
(2) That he exhorted three people residing in Cadder, to buy and read Paine's Rights of Man.
(3) That he circulated the work of Thomas Paine, A Declaration of Rights, to the friends of reform in Paisley.

The trial was to be the first of a series of high profile “show” trials with Muir as the number one target. The jury was rigged with Tory placemen and spies and informers gave uncorroborated evidence. Even Lord Cockburn commented Muir’s trial was “one of the cases the memory whereof never perisheth, history cannot let its injustice alone.”

One of the placemen on the jury, Captain John Inglis of Auchedinny, suffered an attack of conscience and asked to be removed saying;

“Being in his Majesty’s service he did not wish to be on the jury as he thought it unfair in a case of this nature to try Muir by servants of the crown.”

McQueen intervened and insisted Inglis serve.

Muir stated;

“Shall these men be my jurymen who have not merely accused me but likewise judged and condemned me without knowing me in my vindication?”

Muir defended himself brilliantly and eloquently. His final speech to the jury on August 30th 1793 was for a number of years taught to schoolchildren in America as a classic speech in defence of freedom. In it he said;

“What has been my crime? Not the lending to a relation of mine a copy of Mr Paine's work; not the giving away a few copies of an innocent and constitutional publication; but for having dared to be a strenuous and active advocate for an equal representation of the people, in the House of the people.”

“Gentlemen of the jury, this is perhaps the last time I shall address my country. I have explored the tenor of my past life. Nothing shall tear me from the record of my former days.

Gentlemen, from my infancy to this moment I have devoted myself to the cause of the people. It is a good cause – it shall ultimately prevail – it shall finally triumph.

Gentlemen, the time will come when men must stand or fall by their actions – when all human pageantry shall cease – when the hearts of all will be laid open….

I am careless and indifferent to my fate. I can look danger and I can look death in the face, for I am shielded by the consciousness of my own rectitude. I may be condemned to languish in the recess of a dungeon – I may be doomed to ascend the scaffold. Nothing can deprive me of the past – nothing can destroy my inward peace of mind, arising from the remembrance of having discharged my duty.”

Despite his eloquence Muir knew that he was doomed. At one stage in the trial Muir argued that he was advocating the teachings of Christ. Braxfield leaned to the rigged jury and is reputed to have said;

“muckle guid it did him, he was hingit tae!”

He went onto say;

“The British constitution is the best that ever was since the creation of the world, and it is not possible to make it better. Yet Mr. Muir has gone among the ignorant country people and told them Parliamentary Reform was absolutely necessary for preserving their liberty.”

Shamefully but predictably Muir was found guilty and sentenced to 14 years transportation to the penal colony at Botany Bay in Australia. For many of the poor souls who received this fate transportation was equivalent to the death sentence as months at sea, exposed to sickness and disease meant that large numbers of convicts never lived to see their new surroundings in “Van Diemen’s Land.”

Muir was joined on a prison ship at Leith by fellow reformer Thomas Fyshe Palmer (1747 – 1802). Palmer was a Unitarian minister who had faced trial in Perth for the printing and distribution of Address to the People concerning parliamentary reform, written by George Mealmaker

If it had been the government’s intention to smash the reform movement in Scotland immediately then they were mistaken as Muir’s trial and his superb performance had led to opposition to the government stiffening. The Government decided that Muir should be moved from Scotland to avoid becoming a rallying point for dissent and was sent to a prison hulk at Woolwich on the Thames. Forced to work on a chain gang by day, Muir deportation was delayed when the ship hired to transport him was found to be rotten. As he waited, he was joined by fellow radicals William Skirving and Maurice Margarot who had also been victims of the show trials in Scotland.

In May 1794, aboard the ship “Surprise” and despite the intervention of amongst others the playwright and MP Richard Sheridan who moved a parliamentary motion to show leniency, the Scottish radicals set sail for Botany Bay.

Robert Burns, forced to publish his radical poetry under aliases wrote in the poem “To Messers Muir, Palmer, Skirving and Margarot”;

“Friends of the Slighted people – ye whose wrongs

From wounded FREEDOM many a tear shall draw

As once she mourn’d when mocked by venal tounges

Her SYDNEY fell beneath the form of law

Even on board “Surprise” Muir could not escape those who wished to discredit him more and he was accussed of helping to organise a mutiny on board. The attempt at framing Muir was so bungled however that he was able to successfully defend himself at a subsequent trial when he arrived at Port Jackson.

Meanwhile back home in Scotland the governments attempts to smash the reformers was beginning to succeed. Most of the leaders of the Friends of the People were now in jail or awaiting transportation. The war with France has led to an increase in crackdowns on any individual or group expressing revolutionary sympathies.

In an atmosphere of suspicion and paranoia that followed, Burns wrote;

The shrinking Bard adown an alley sculks

And dreads a meeting worse then Woolwich hulks

Tho’ there his heresies in Church and State

Might well award him Muir and Palmer fate…

Despite establishment claims that Britain has a democratic tradition stretching back centuries, the years following the trials of what were now being referred to as “The Scottish Martyrs” led to an unprecedented increase in repression of reformers and crackdowns on freedom of speech. The ongoing war against the French led to the government introducing conscription to the army which met with popular opposition. In Tranent in East Lothian in 1797, the army crushed a protest organised by miners and their families against conscription by indiscriminately killing 11 men and wounding 12 others. The dragoons, by now described as “hysterical” went on to rape and pillage their way through the collier’s homes. A generation passed without a public meeting being held anywhere in Scotland as Dundas tightened his grip. It wasn’t until the working class rebellions of 1819 – 20 that organised radicalism raised its head again.

Muir in Australia and a Boys Own Adventure

With quiet words and dignity Muir led his own defence
He appeared completely blameless to those with common sense
When he had finished speaking the courtroom rang with cheers
Lord Braxfield said, “This outburst just confirms our greatest fears”
And he sentenced Thomas Muir to be transported 14 years

(Dick Gaughan)

For a less remarkable man the story might have ended with Muir serving his time in Botany Bay. Certainly his first months in the colony passed uneventfully and he was spared the worst excesses of life in Australia following fundraising from supportive Whigs that allowed him to purchase a small farm and live mainly unmolested by prison authorities.

However, it is at this point that Muir’s story becomes less of a story about politics and reform and more a barely believable swashbuckling tale of adventure.

In the seventh year of his presidency and under pressure from Scots Americans, George Washington ordered that the USS Otter be sent to rescue Muir and invite him back to practise law at the American bar.

On February 5th 1795 the Otter arrived at Port Jackson and Muir was located and set sail for freedom and a new life in America. Fate however, not for the first time, would intervene again in Muir’s life. After 4 months at sea the Otter struck rocks in Nootka Sound and only Muir and two others miraculously survived.

Muir went on to have more barely explicable adventures included being captured by natives, incarceration in Mexico, being shipped to Havana, spending three months in a dungeon for trying to flee Cuba and eventually arranging transport on a ship to Spain.

As his ship, the Ninfa approached the entrance to Cadiz harbour it came under attack by a British Man O War HMS Invincible. In the exchange of fire that followed a brief chase, the Ninfa was severely damaged. Muir was struck by a piece of shrapnel that smashed into his face removing one eye and seriously damaging the other. As the British boarded the ship yet another incredible twist in the story of Thomas Muir occurred.

Following interrogation of the crew, the British captain found out about Muir’s presence on board. He instructed a search amongst the dead and injured and it was reported that the body of the Scot’s radical had been found.

In his report to the admiralty on April 28th 1796 the captain wrote;

“Among the sufferers on the Spanish side is Mr Thomas Muir who made so wonderful an escape from Botany Bay to Havana. He was one of five killed on board the Nymph by the last shot fired by us. The officer at whose side he fell is at my hand and says he behaved with courage to the last.”

Yet, that was not the case. By incredible coincidence, the surgeon serving on board HMS Invincible had attended school with Muir. He found his childhood friend badly injured but removed his identity papers and placed him with the Spanish injured sent to Cadiz. It was the first and last time a servant of the British Crown behaved in a dignified manner towards Thomas Muir.

He was not expected to survive, but miraculously, survive he did! Following a diplomatic wrangle the Spanish Government eventually agreed his transfer to France and in early November, whilst wracked with pain and exhaustion, he arrived to a hero’s welcome in Bordeaux. He was proclaimed a “Martyr of Liberty” and a “Hero of the French Republic”. The great and the good flocked to see the famous Scotsman who had suffered so much in the name of liberty. A final portrait shows him with a patch covering his horrific injury from the sea battle off of Cadiz.

Muir’s Final Days

Muir travelled through France and on the 4th February 1798 he arrived in the French capital where he was proclaimed Minister of The Scottish Republic by the French Revolutionary Government and was lauded by an admiring public. He immediately set to work establishing links with exiled Scots radicals and republicans and struck up a friendship with Thomas Paine. He was aware that agents of the Pitt government were monitoring his every move and meeting and requested to be sent outside of Paris where he could be sure of less intrusion. He was offered quarters in Chantilly in November 1798 and it was here, he met with his radical friends.

On the 26th January 1799, Thomas Muir died from his wounds and related conditions. An obituary appeared in the government newspaper Le Moniteur.

Although its highest profile champion was gone, the campaign for parliamentary reform did not die with him. In 1832, when the Reform Act extending the franchise was voted through at Westminster, Muir’s portrait was publically illuminated in Glasgow whilst the Edinburgh Trades Council draped an empty chair with black in memory of the Scots lawyer who took on the establishment.

The monument in the Old Calton Burial ground was unveiled by reformist politicians in 1844 and was dedicated to Muir and his fellow Scottish Martyrs, Thomas Fyshe Palmer, William Skirving, Maurice Margarot and Joseph Gerrald.

Gradually over the years however, Muir has faded from public consciousness. A coffee shop and a display in the Library in Bishopbriggs join a local High School and the neglected obelisk in Edinburgh as the only overt reminders of the great man. Establishment historians keen to point out Britain’s democratic credentials and its “great” parliamentary traditions tend not to highlight Muir or his cause. It has been left to modern day radicals, socialists and republicans to keep Muir’s memory alive.

In a final twist to the story of Muir, his great nemesis Henry Dundas became the last British politician to be impeached in 1806 when he was accused of financial irregularities whilst serving as First Lord of the Admiralty. Although cleared of the charges, (he had friends in high places remember) his political career never recovered although the Dundas family continued to exert influence over Scottish political life for years to come.

Lord Braxfield continued to send shivers down the spine of those unfortunate enough to find themselves face to face with him in the dock until his death in 1799. (The same year as Muir.) In the Scotland on Sunday newspaper on 1st January 2006 he was included in a list of “Scotland’s all time Baddies – Scotland Depraved!”

Over 200 years after Muir’s death and the impeachment of Dundas, Muir’s home town of Bishopbriggs will become the centre of a by-election campaign caused by the greed and corruption of modern day politicians. Were he alive today what would Muir think of the fact that a small, self serving political elite continues to enrich itself whilst the majority of ordinary people look on with loathing and distrust?

I’ll leave the final words to Scottish folk musician Dick Gaughan;

Gerrard, Palmer, Skirving, Thomas Muir and Margarot
These are names that every Scottish man and woman ought to know
When you’re called for jury service, when your name is drawn by lot
When you vote in an election when you freely voice your thought
Don’t take these things for granted, for dearly were they bought

Graeme McIver

éirígí protest against 'Armed Forces Day' (video)

Fianna na h-Alba

Today let us look at the organisation Fianna na h-Alba the website says the following below:

After the disappointing YSI turnout at Bannockburn we have decided we are going to take Fianna na h-Alba seriously. It is now our intention to restore Fianna na h-Alba not only to Glasgow but to the whole of Scotland.

We do not wish the Fianna to be a political party or organisation, but involved solely in the national question and to develop the youth of Scotland as an intellectual and physically strong organised body of resistance to English rule.

Membership is open to all race, creed and religion, however only persons of the highest character will be accepted. The concept of social justice will predominate throughout all ranks.

This organization is non-sectarian.

Signed,
Fianna na h-Alba
June 2009

Frequently Asked Questions

Are you terrorists?
No. We are simply a network of Republican youth. We are simply advocating defence of our country and when there are peaceful means that do not mean full submission to a foreign government, our members our encouraged to take them. We are non sectarian.

What does your name mean?
Fianna na h-Alba can be translated as warriors of Scotland. A Fiann is a warrior, or a member of Fianna na h-Alba. The name was used by a paramilitary organisation in Glasgow in the 1920s, and later by a Gaelic boy Scout organization that was also based in Glasgow.

What political party are you aligned to?
Any that support Scottish independence, particularily those that support a Scottish Republic eg. the SSP and SSFG. We also support various other organisations against racism and sectarianism for example Anti-Facsist Action, and Republican movements in other countries like Mec Vannain and Mebyon Kernow. More in our links section under Celtic solidarity.

I don't live in Scotland. Can I join?
Yes! You can either join either on your own or make your own Sluagh with nearby expats.

I'm not Scottish ... I'm Manx and they don't have much in the way of Republican youth movements. Can I join, even if it's just to go camping?
Go on then.

Do you have a uniform?
Not at the moment. This will be debated at the Ard-Fheis, and will be based on either army camouflage and/or Fianna Éireann uniforms.

When's this Ard-Fheisy thing?
Near Glasgow, in August. We hope.

What's your relationship to Fianna na hÉireann?
We are trying to contact both factions but they are being evasive like wee leprechauns holding their gold. We also really want to thank them for stealing their ideas, logos and statements.
Update: The 32csm Fianna have disbanded. No contact from RSF Fianna but they are still active, just search 'Bodenstown 2009' on Youtube.

What with those Comhlan thingies?
Comhlan = Company. At the moment there are three companies in Scotland:
Comhlan A / A Company covers Glasgow, Edinburgh and the 'Lowlands'.
Comhlan B / B Company covers the East Highlands including Aberdeen and Dundee.
Comhlan C / C Company coveres the West Highlands, Argyll, the Western Isles, Orkney and Shetland.

Comhlan D / D Company is for expatriate Scots and the Gallóglaigh (name for members from Ireland and other 'Celtic nations')

Where's that funny flag from?
The funny flag as you call it is the flag of the Fianna. The sunburst represents freedom and the points represent the Fianna code, which will be revised and uploaded at a later date. There is another version used by expatriate Scots, this one is black to represent the mourning of Fianns forced to leave their homeland, but the red represents the blood that bonds them to Scotland and the way following the Fianna code can break the sadness of being away. A wee bit soppy if you ask me but a flag's a flag. Some people tend to think it also represents anarcho-communism.

What's your opinion on the Gaelic?
'S an canan na h-Alba a th'ann na Gaidhilig, feumaidh sinn cum ar canan beo. By the time you're finished with us that will no longer be mumbo-jumbo.

Do you actually have any plans for this year, or are you just another pseudo Scottish-Republican group that hangs around cyberspace threatening poor English grannies living in Scotland?
Our plans include: Recruiting new members to build all four companies up to strength; Holding a democratic Ard-Fheis to make the opinions of our members accountable; Creating opportunites for sport and fitness; Supporting the Gaelic language; Action against racism and sectarianism in Scotland; Building links with similar movements in other Celtic countries.

GET YOUR VOICE HEARD - JOIN THE FIANNA TODAY!!!

Green socialists on James Connolly

Green socialists on James Connolly

Last month was the anniversary of the death of James Connolly. In this article John Wight examines the life and times of this great socialist figure.

May 12th each year marks the anniversary of the death of James Connolly.

Executed in Dublin by the British after taking up arms in the 1916 Easter Rising to not only liberate Ireland from 800 years of uninterrupted occupation, but more importantly to stir the Irish working class from its slumber and inspire it to rise from its knees, Connolly died a martyr to the cause of self determination and social and economic justice.

The story of that rising - of the Irishmen and women who so bravely took on the might of British imperialism and held out for four days; of the leaders who were rounded up afterwards and executed, each of them defiant to the end; of the aftermath and the armed struggle waged by the IRA under Michael Collins, leading to the formation in 1921 of the Free State Republic and a two year civil war - has been well documented.

The life of James Connolly, however, in its ceaseless and unwavering commitment to the cause of socialism, despite obstacles that would have deterred even the most dedicated of his kind, is surely worthy of special tribute.

It is a story which begins amid the grinding poverty of a disease-ridden slum populated by Irish immigrants in Edinburgh towards the end of the 19th century.

Anti-Irish sentiment in Scotland was commonplace during this period, with the poison of religious sectarianism exacerbated by the poverty suffered by the working class as a direct result of a laissez faire capitalist model which pitted all against all in an unremitting struggle for the crumbs from the bosses’ table. In Edinburgh poor Irish immigrants were squeezed together in their own ghetto in the centre of the city. The locals named it 'Little Ireland' and here the ravages of poverty – in the shape of alcoholism, crime, and diseases such as cholera and typhus - were part of every day life.

James Connolly, born 5 June 1868, was the youngest of three brothers. At the age of ten, after his mother died, he lied about his age and began work in the print-shop of a local newspaper.

At an age when his life should have consisted of going to school and running free with other boys his age, here he was being introduced to the cruel world of wage slavery, a mere child experiencing all the dirt and noise and smells of heavy machinery amongst the worn and broken men who toiled long hours for starvation wages.

Desperate to escape such a fate, at the age of fourteen Connolly once again lied about his age and joined the British Army. He was posted to Ireland, the birthplace of his parents, and it was there, witnessing the atrocities being carried out against the Irish people by the British Army, that the seeds of class consciousness and hatred of oppression were planted.

It was also during this period that he met his wife, Lillie Reynolds, who worked as a domestic servant for a prominent unionist family in Dublin. Lillie would remain by her husband’s side to the end of his life, sharing in his triumphs and defeats, her dedication to the struggle marking her out as an outstanding figure in her own right.

Connolly deserted from the British Army at the age of 21, moved back to Scotland with Lillie and there began his involvement in the class struggle, joining the Socialist League in 1889 whilst living in Dundee, an organisation committed to revolutionary internationalism which received the endorsement of Friedrich Engels.

A year later he moved to Edinburgh with his wife and by then two children, where he returned to the grind of punishing manual labour, picking up work here and there as he and his wife struggled against poverty. Throughout, Connolly continued to find time for politics and he became secretary of the Scottish Socialist Federation. He entered a municipal election as a socialist candidate around this period and received 263 votes.

In 1896 Connolly returned to Dublin, a city he'd grown to love while posted there in the British Army, in response to an offer to work for the Dublin Socialist Club. Shortly after his arrival he founded the Irish Socialist Republican Party. In his first statement on behalf of the ISRP, he wrote:

“The struggle for Irish freedom has two aspects: it is national and it is social. The national ideal can never be realised until Ireland stands forth before the world as a nation, free and independent. It is social and economic, because no matter what the form of government may be, as long as one class owns as private property the land and the instruments of labour from which mankind derive their substance, that class will always have it in their power to plunder and enslave the remainder of their fellow creatures.”

Connolly had decided by this point that the two strands of revolutionary thought in Ireland, national liberation and socialism, rather than being antagonistic, were in fact complementary.

This was a view which ran counter to the prevailing current of socialist theory that obtained across continental Europe at that time, which held to the view that the struggle for socialism must reach across the false divisions of national, ethnic and cultural identity. Nationalist movements as such were scorned and vilified, deemed petit bourgeois in both character and design.

But those European socialists had no experience of living under the yoke of imperialism, and thus for them the national question could only ever exist in the abstract.

Some of Connolly’s most powerful writing and thinking focused on this very issue, demonstrating a development which placed him at the vanguard of Marxist revolutionary theory.

“The struggle for socialism and national liberation cannot and must not be separated.”

“The cause of labour is the cause of Ireland; the cause of Ireland is the cause of Labour.”

Emphasising his status as a theoretician of the first rank, Connolly was also an early champion of women's rights.

“The worker is the slave of capitalist society, the female worker is the slave of that slave.”

In 1903, as work and finances in Dublin dwindled, Connolly moved to the United States. He'd visited there the year before; travelling across the country lecturing on political philosophy and trade unionism, and his lectures had received a warm reception and much praise from leading figures within the nascent US socialist movement of the period, in particular Daniel De Leon.

After a hard initial few years in his adopted country, Connolly eventually managed to find stable work, and in 1906 became a paid organiser for the recently formed Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), led by the legendary Big Bill Haywood. He also joined the American Socialist Labor Party and founded a monthly newspaper, The Harp, with which he aimed to reach the East Coast's huge Irish immigrant population.

Largely due to Connolly's focus on Irish immigrants, he and De Leon soon split. De Leon, an orthodox Marxist, abhorred Connolly's belief that Marxism should be adapted to varying cultures and traditions if a nation of immigrants was to be mobilized in the cause.

The split was acrimonious, Connolly accusing De Leon of being elitist, De Leon questioning Connolly's methods and grasp of Marxist theory and practice. However, Connolly continued on the path he had chosen, and it was obvious by now that a large part of his motivation in doing so was an increasing homesickness for his beloved Ireland.

In 1910 his dream of returning to Ireland became reality. He returned after being invited to become national organizer for the newly-formed Socialist Party of Ireland. Soon after his return he published a number of pamphlets, one of which, Labour in Irish History, was a major step in the development of an understanding of Irish history from a Marxist viewpoint.

By now possessing an unshakable belief that any hope of revolution lay with the trade union movement, Connolly joined with Larkin in his Irish Transport and General Workers Union. Connolly moved north to Belfast to organize for the ITGWU, hoping to smash down the barriers of religious sectarianism and unite the working class in the shipyards around which the city was built.

He had little success.

In 1913 he moved back to Dublin to join Larkin in the titanic struggle which began when the Dublin employers locked out thousands of workers in an attempt to break the increasing influence and strength of the ITGWU.

A protest meeting of the workers was held despite a ban on such meetings having been ordered by the authorities. It was savagely attacked and broken up by baton-wielding police and afterwards Connolly was arrested. He refused bail for good behaviour and was sentenced to three months in prison. Immediately embarking on a hunger strike, he was released after just one week.

Connolly's first task upon his release was to form a workers' militia. Never again, he vowed, would workers be trampled into the ground by police horses or beaten down under police batons. He called this new militia, which comprised around 250 volunteers, the Irish Citizen Army (ICA). The day after its formation, Connolly spoke at a meeting.

“Listen to me, I am going to talk sedition. The next time we are out on a march, I want to be accompanied by four battalions of trained men.”

When Larkin left Ireland for a fundraising tour of the United States in 1914, Connolly became acting general secretary of the ITGWU. The same year, watching as millions of workers went off to be slaughtered in the First World War, he was devastated.

“This war appears to me as the most fearful crime of the centuries. In it the working class are to be sacrificed so that a small clique of rulers and armament makers may sate their lust for power and their greed for wealth. Nations are to be obliterated, progress stopped, and international hatreds erected into deities to be worshipped.”

All over Europe even socialists succumbed to the poison of patriotism, joining the war efforts in their respective countries and thus heralding the end of the Second International in which socialist parties and figures representing Europe's toiling masses had vowed to campaign against the war and the slaughter of worker by worker. Connolly's analysis of the war was scathing:

“I know of no foreign enemy in this country except the British Government. Should a German army land in Ireland tomorrow, we should be perfectly justified in joining it, if by so doing we could rid this country for once and for all the Brigand Empire that drags us unwillingly to war.”

The British Government attempted to buy off Irish sentiment in support of outright independence from the Empire with a Home Rule bill, which in effect promised devolved power if the political leadership in Ireland at that time - people like John Redmond of the Irish Parliamentary Party - would agree to the recruitment of Irish workers to be slaughtered in the trenches in an imperialist war.

The bill split the Irish national liberation movement into those who supported it as a step towards outright independence and those, like Connolly, who were totally against it.

“If you are itching for a rifle, itching to fight, have a country of your own. Better to fight for our own country than the robber empire. If ever you shoulder a rifle, let it be for Ireland.”

It was now that Connolly's position shifted with regard to physical force. Previously, he had wanted no part in it, eschewing it as reckless and contrary to Marxist doctrine of a mass revolution of the working class, whereby consciousness precedes action.

But with the retreat of the European socialists, and the failure of the trade unions to act against the war, Connolly despaired of ever achieving the society he’d dedicated his life to without armed struggle.

The Irish Republican Brotherhood was planning just the kind of insurrection which Connolly had in mind. Connolly had taken a dim view of the IRB and its leaders up until then, viewing them as a bunch of feckless romantics. However, when they revealed their plans to him at a private meeting – plans involving the mobilization of 11,000 volunteers throughout the country - and that a large shipment of arms was on the way from Germany, he agreed to join them with his own ICA volunteers.

Connolly was respected enough by the IRB leaders, in particular Padrig Pearse, to be appointed military commander of Dublin's rebel forces. Pearse, a school teacher, was certain that they would all be slaughtered. He was imbued with a belief in the necessity of a blood sacrifice to awaken the Irish people, holding obscurantist beliefs that were steeped in Irish history and the Gaelic culture. But for all that he was no less committed to his cause than Connolly to his, and as a consequence they soon developed a grudging respect for one another.

In the end, the plan for the Easter Sunday insurrection went awry. Rebel army volunteers deployed out with Dublin received conflicting orders and failed to mobilize, leaving Dublin isolated. After postponing the insurrection for a day due to the confusion, the Dublin leadership decided to press on regardless. Connolly assembled his men outside their union headquarters, known as Liberty Hall. By now he knew their chances for success were slim at best, and indeed it is said that he turned to a trusted aide as the men formed up and, in a low voice, announced:

“We’re going out to be slaughtered.”

With Pearse beside him, Connolly marched his men to their military objective, the General Post Office building on O'Connell Street in the centre of Dublin. They rushed in, took control of the building, and barricaded themselves in to await the inevitable military response from the British.

Connolly, Pearse and another leader of the insurrection, Thomas C. Clarke, marched out into the street to read out the now famous proclamation of the Irish Republic. In it, at Connolly's insistence, the rights of the Irish people to the ownership of Ireland, to equality and to the ending religious of sectarianism were included.

“The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all the children of the nation equally, and oblivious to the differences carefully fostered by an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.”

After holding out against the British Army for four days, during which Connolly inspired the men under his command with his determination and courage, in the process suffering wounds to the chest and ankle, British reinforcements and artillery arrived from the mainland to begin shelling rebel positions throughout the city.

The leadership, upon realizing the hopelessness of their situation, and in order to prevent the deaths of any more of their volunteers and civilians in a losing fight, reluctantly decided to surrender.

In the aftermath the ringleaders of the Rising were executed. Connolly was saved for last, the severity of his wounds failing to deter the British from taking their revenge as they tied him to a chair in the courtyard of Kilmainham Jail, where he was executed by firing squad.

At his court martial days prior, held in his cell in deference to those same wounds, James Connolly made the following statement:

“Believing that the British Government has no right in Ireland, never had any right in Ireland, and never can have any right in Ireland, the presence, in any one generation of Irishmen, of even a respectable minority, ready to die to affirm that truth, makes the Government forever a usurpation and a crime against human progress.

“I personally thank God that I have lived to see the day when thousands of Irishmen and boys, and hundreds of women and girls, were ready to affirm that truth, and to attest to it with their lives if need be.”

When news of the Rising was released, some leading European socialists dismissed it as a putsch of little or no great consequence. However, Lenin was not one of those, and went so far as to refute such criticisms in his article, The Results of the Discussion on self-determination. To him the Easter Rising stood as an example of the awakening of the proletariat that was taking place across Europe, providing hope that world revolution was on the horizon. He wrote:

“Those who can term such a rising a Putsch are either the worst kind of reactionaries or hopeless doctrinaires, incapable of imagining the social revolution as a living phenomenon.”

Today a statue of James Connolly stands pride of place in the centre of Dublin. A brass engraving of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic also sits pride of place in the window of the General Post Office headquarters, where Connolly made his stand for the liberty of his nation and his class during those four fateful days in April 1916.

Scotland's Republican Socialists

The Scottish Socialist Freedom Group are the real Republican Socialists in Scotland who support the following:

Campaign for Yes in an independence referendum.

Unity amongst the pro-independence left.

A green socialist republic for Scotland.

To join the Scottish Socialist Freedom Group send an email to redlarry1962@googlemail.com

We represent a non-sectarian group that is cross-party politics of the republican socialist left in Scotland.

All are welcome who endorse our manifesto.

Click here to read our website

Scottish Independence petition

Click here to sign the petition

To: The Scottish Government

We demand that Scotland becomes a full sovereign Independent country. We demand this because we don't believe the unionist lies of Labour and believe that Scotland would be a wealthier, healthier, smarter, safer & more just nation with Independence.

Scotland is being held back under the UK! We want Scotland to do what Ireland, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Belgium, Finland, Sweden, and Andorra have all done (with either similar or even smaller populations to Scotland) and to MOVE FORWARD and create a better future for everyone!

We will make our voice be heard and we will demand Independence & Freedom for Scotland!! The Scottish people have a right to self determination & have the right to decide our nations future in a referendum to allow the people of Scotland to vote for a new beginning for Scotland with Independence!!

Sincerely,

The Undersigned

Aims and Principles of The Scottish Socialist Freedom Group

From the SSFG website

Aims and Principles of the The Scottish Socialist Freedom Group

The SSFG is an organisation of revolutionary class struggle that will result in an Independent Socialist Republic of Scotland. We aim for the abolition of the United Kingdom, all hierarchy, and work for the creation of a world-wide classless society.

Capitalism is based on the exploitation of the working class by the ruling class. But inequality and exploitation are also expressed in terms of race, gender, religion, sexuality, health, ability and age, and in these ways one section of the working class oppresses another. This divides us which benefits the ruling class.

We believe that fighting racism and sexism is as important as other aspects of the class struggle. A Republic of Scotland cannot be achieved while sexism and racism still exist. In order to be effective in their struggle against their oppression both within society and within the working class, women, lesbians and gays, and black people may at times need to organise independently. However, this should be as working class people as cross-class movements hide real class differences and achieve little for them. Full emancipation cannot be achieved without the abolition of capitalism and this cannot be done without the destruction of its founder, the United Kingdom.

As well as exploiting and oppressing the majority of people, Capitalism threatens the world through war and the destruction of the environment.

It is not possible to abolish Capitalism without a revolution, which will arise out of class conflict. The ruling class must be completely overthrown to achieve true Scottish Independence and freedom. Because the ruling class will not relinquish power without their use of armed force, this revolution will be a time of violence as well as liberation.

Unions by their very nature cannot become vehicles for the revolutionary transformation of society. They have to be accepted by capitalism in order to function and so cannot play a part in its overthrow. Trades unions divide the working class (between employed and unemployed, trade and craft, skilled and unskilled, etc). Even syndicalist unions are constrained by the fundamental nature of unionism. The unions have to be able to control its membership in order to make deals with management. Their aim, through negotiation, is to achieve a fairer form of exploitation of the workforce. The interests of leaders and representatives will always be different from ours. The boss class is our enemy, and while we must fight for better conditions from it, we have to realise that reforms we may achieve today may be taken away tomorrow. Our ultimate aim must be the complete abolition of wage slavery. Working within the unions can never achieve this.

Genuine liberation can only come about through the revolutionary self activity of the working class on a mass scale. A Socialist Scotland means not only co-operation between equals, but active involvement in the shaping and creating of that society during and after the revolution As Scottish Republicans we organise in all areas of life to try to advance the revolutionary process. We believe a strong organisation is necessary to help us to this end. Unlike other so-called socialists we do not want power or control for our organisation. We recognise that the revolution can only be carried out directly by the working class. However, the revolution must be preceded by organisations able to convince people of the Socialist Republican alternative and method. We participate in struggle as Scottish Republicans. We reject sectarianism and work for a united revolutionary Scottish Freedom movement.

The Declaration of the Scottish Republic

To the people of Scotland: Scotland, through us, strikes for her freedom. We declare the right of the people of Scotland to the ownership of Scotland, and to the control of Scottish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right, nor can it ever be extinguished. In every generation the Scottish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty, they have asserted it both in arms and through political institutions. Standing on that right, we hereby proclaim the Scottish Republic as a Sovereign Socialist Independenct State, and we pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades to the cause of its freedom, of its welfare, and its place among the Independent nations of the World.

The Scottish Republic is entitled to the allegiance of every Scot. The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, oblivious to the differences carefully fostered by a foreign government, which have divided us in the past and present.

We place the cause of the Scottish Republic under the protection of the sovereignty of the Scottish people, and we demand that all those who serve the cause honour it with dignity. In this supreme hour the Scottish nation must sacrifice themselves for the common good, proving itself worthy of the destiny to which it is called.


Signed by

The Scottish Socialist Freedom Group