Scottish Republican Socialist Newsletter

Matt Lygate 1938-2012: Memoriam

2012-01-23T17:46:00.001-06:00

Matt Lygate died this year a fellow traveler for the Freedom of Scotland Matt Lygate Jnr has written his obituary and is reproduced below with a link to the SRSM website.

Matt Lygate 1938-2012

Matt Lygate was born on 26/12/1938 in Govan Glasgow. From early on, he became an accomplished artist, orator, and thinker. He always loved the great outdoors and would often dissapear for hours up hills and down gullies to the distress of his parents. As a teenager, he moved to Sunderland with his family and became one of the best renouned tailor's cutters of his time. Matt loved his family and family life, however when ordered to join the British Army (forced conscription was still in place at that point, even after the war), Matt, like his father during WWI, refused stating he would never join an imperialist British Army. That same week, he was on a boat to New Zealand before the powers that be could abscond him. Matt had been an avid member of the British Communist Party as well as a devout Christian, believing that Christ himself was a revolutionary socialist. Once in New Zealand, Matt's fervour and passion for justice as well as adventure blossomed. In his years on the islands of New Zealand, he travelled from village to village without map or tent, taking on local hard labour jobs as he went. He was institutional in the setting up of the first railway worker's union and fought for the rights of the Maori people across the island. His travels took him from the heights of the Alps, picking deadly weeds in the snow, to the fields of grain where he worked along side many of the industrious indiginous people of the island. On leaving New Zealand to return to his family, the New Zealand secret service met him at the docs to make Matt aware he would not be allowed back any time soon. Such was the impact Matt left everywhere he went. Many took inspiration from his great work and polemics on justice, liberty and equality, others saw him as a grave threat to the established order. Matt excelled at and loved playing both the saint and the sinner in the eyes of different beholders. He was never one for cult status. He always insisted people judge him on what he said and not who he is.

On return from New Zealand, Matt's political and social work continued. He became heavily involved and a leading figure in the Scottish and Irish republican and socialist movements. He was a leading founder of the Workers Party of Scotland which was a Marxist-Leninist Republican party advocating the establishment of a Scottish socialist republic in the same tradition of John Maclean's vision. He was also instrumental in the establishment of the John Maclean Society which did much work to reserect the memory and life's work of Maclean. He believed in the emancipation of mankind worldwide. He was a true internationalist, involved in the struggle for Irish and Palestinian independence, meeting many world figures over his time. In fact when nominated years later for Glasgow University Rector, he stood down to allow votes for Yassar Arafat. Over his time he has been nominated and rejected two honourary degrees from both Glasgow and Edinburgh University. He rejected them on the political grounds that they might corrupt him and remove him from his working class route, but in truth it was also because Matt was a brutally modest man and shunned any idolisation or cult status. In 1972, Matt and 4 others were convicted of bank robbery and handed out the longest sentences in Scottish legal history for non murder crimes. During the case, Matt dismissed his defence team and represented himself. Knowing the fact he was to be tryed, not on bank robbery, but his politics, he used the court rather than to defend himself, but to attack the very system he knew aimed to destroy him. In his closing statment, he told the judge it was not his violence that had brought him to court, but that of the state against the working class. The same violence that had put 150,000 people out of work at the time in Scotland and stolen children's milk leading to the return of Rickets in Scotland. He announced that the day would come when those who judged him would themselves be judged, an announcement that Lord Dunpark did not take too kindly too. On announcement of his 24 year sentence, Matt looked to the public gallery and with clenched fist shouted "Long live the workers of Scotland" and with that began the longest bank robbery sentence in Scottish history. Although the judge himself admitted the crimes to be political and although it was proven in court, none of the alleged stolen funds went to Matt, he was not allowed political prisoner status. He was also denied appeal, a basic right in Scots law based on the statement by the presiding Judge that Matt openly supported bank robbery and so did not require appeal. A political belief in the redistribution of money in s capitalist society did not account to acceptance of guilt of specific robberies, yet the judge refused to accept this and Matt was denied appeal against his unequivically long sentence.

Once in prison, Matt's work against injustice continued and as ever, he remained a thorn in the establishment's side. On issue of a boiler suit and ID number for instance, Matt refused both. The suit did not fit nor did the shoes. He was told to like it or lump it and lump it he did, choosing to spend his first experiences in prison in solitary confinement naked and on hunger strike. Matt's flare for art and creativity never dulled at any point in his life. Many of the prison inmates were illiterate and Matt spent much of his time actively teaching some of Glasgow's most hardened criminals to read, write and paint. He would often write poems and paint minature Burns portraits and the likes for other inmates girlfriends and mothers, so much so that he was called to the Governor's office in Peterhead and told "You've outgrown this place". By this point much of the mail leaving Peterhead had Matt's imprint directly or indirectly. Matt seen this as an opportunity to address the hypocricy of a system that refused to help and educate those in need and instead punish those who tried to do so. Matt was eventually moved round from prison to prison, however not before forcing the governor to introduce reading, writing and art classes for Class A prisoners in Peterhead for the first time ever. He set up organisations to protect the rights of prisoners and object to the antiquated Victorian style prison systems where 'slopping out' and three to a cell were still common place. Despite often spending much of his sentence in solitary confinement, under constant light (even through the night which is a documented form of torture) and regular movings, Matt never capitulated or lost his passion for his beliefs. If anything, Matt only ever became stronger in the face of adversity. After 8 years behind bars, Matt was offered his first parole hearing. Matt's response was unique in denying his opportunity for parole. In a letter of explanation to the hearing, he demonstrated his view that the parole was a sham and had no intent of releasing him yet. As such he chose to not waste his time in their presence and in doing so giving his family false hope that there was ever a chance of his release at that time. Matt knew the system and was never afraid to challenge it, even (and most often) at the expense of his liberty. He had a clean record his entire time in prison and yet was kept in Class A for 8 years, much of which in solitary confinement. One lawyer once commented publically on Matt's case that he was given 8 years for robbery and 16 for his politics.

His fight against adversity and injustice continued further after his eventual release 12 years later. He reinstated the Workers Party of Scotland and began one of the biggest political movements Britain has ever seen. From humble beginnings, the anti-poll tax movement was born in Maryhill. Some of the earliest 'non-payment of poll tax' movements began when Matt and a friend tramped the entirety of Scotland, just like he had back in New Zealand. They knocked on people's doors and explained what the poll tax was and how they could resist it. The movement picked up pace, however to begin with neither the Labour party nor the Communist party nor any of the left would support Matt. They all claimed the anti-poll tax to be a Scottish phenomenon and thought nothing of it. How wrong they were.

During this period, Matt met his first love who helped create the success that was the anti poll tax movement ran initially from their small Phoenix Press shop. After the success of the anti-poll tax movement, Matt began to move out of public life and became the family man, raising 3 happy children and looking after countless others. Matt the family man was just as passionate a man as Matt the political fighter. He raised his children open mindedly and lovingly but just as they flourished into their own lives, Matt himself was struck with the onset of Alzheimer's disease. This however never for one day removed Matt's ultimate passion for life, liberty and nature. Over the next 8 or so years, Matt's short term memory slowly deteriorated, but his character remained the same as ever. He remained the firebrand optimist he ever was and every day was greeted with a smile and a laugh. Every leaf on every tree was just as beautiful and every moment just as fullfilling. Right up until Matt's final moments on this earth, he never passed another human being without acknowledging them and offering comment on how beautiful a day it was. He never walked without noticing a new colour or pattern on a bush or flower he maybe had passed every day for years. He never lost his love of nature, walking and talking. He remained a thinker and philosopher of epic proportions. Even in the latter stages of his Dementia, he could still recite Burn's quotes that could epitimise the feeling of a million words. He still loved his beloved books from the many book stores he had ran in his life, and his house was always adourned with many of the great artworks he and others had completed.

His life is a story of adversity, a fight against injustice and for the liberty and freedom of all men and women. His life is a story of love, of love for his fellow man, of every creature and living thing on earth, of his beloved partner Linda whom he shared so many of his adventures and loved so dearly, of his children who he passed so much of his wisdom and passion for life, for his beloved dog/s who saw him through to the end, sharing in his delight of nature and his epic walks, a story of love of all life itself. His life is a story of passion and adventure, adventures that spanned the globe, that influenced untold thousands, and whose ripples can still be felt today. His life is a story of hope, hope for humanity, of never ending optimism in the face of all adversity and seeming impossibilities. Hope that even in all our darkest hours, light, laughter and beauty can always be found. His life is a story of many lives, of many faces, of many chapters hardly even touched upon here.

His exit from this world in fittingly dramatic circumstances ends the final chapter in a life that touched so many, that changed so much and that even today, continues to inspire and motivate others. In that way his life lives on after a death that outlived the old enemies like the News of the World,a life that saw Scottish republicanism move from a fringe movement to the very centre of Scottish politics and watched over all of his children becoming the flourishing adults they are today.

In the end, Matt Lygate was never consumed by his disease. He died the "giant inside a small man's body" he ever was. He died a fundamentally happy and independent man on his own two feet living by no one else's but his own will. What more could any of us ask from the game of life and death?

http://www.scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org/Pages/SRSMMemoriamMattLygate.aspx

SRSM Events

2012-01-16T12:43:00.000-06:00

January 27, 2012 Republican Burns Night

Friday 27th January 7pmUpstairs lounge 'Elephant & Bugle', Maryhill Road, Glasgow.Just past the Wyndford flats, (known locally as the "Barracks" across from Maryhill Police Station). Wee row of shops and the pub is first, next corner after the barracks, on the same side,

Group: White Rose

Piper: Andrew Tennent

£10 admission. Children free

Cockaleekie SoupHaggisChampit totties and neepsPudding undecided yetVegetarians please notify us first for a vegetarian haggis

All welcome

February 12, 2012 Annual Glencoe Commemoration Rally

February 12th. Sunday.1.30. pm from Glencoe Car park to monument for Speeches and back. Bus leaves immediately and stops at the Henderson Stane (next layby) for a brief ceremony.

Then on the Lomond Park Hotel, Balloch, for a Scoriach.

White Rose group

£5 admission Children free.

Bar meals optional

There is a railway station round the back of the hotel and a bus stop at the front. Both good services if anyone wishes to leave early.

Bus leaves North Frederick St, George Square (next to Queen St) 10.30 am prompt. £10. Children free.

http://www.scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org/Pages/SRSMEvents.aspx

SRSM John MacLean Commemoration 2011

2011-11-27T17:54:00.001-06:00

Gerry Cairns of the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement delivers the graveside oration for the memory of John MacLean before the march.With a large turn out at this years SRSM John MacLean Commemoration saw Republican Socialists unite Irish and Scottish with the IRSP Alba and Éirígí represented and a significant presence by other left forces such as the Revolutionary Communist Group (RCG)

Also important was the large SRSM contingent which signifies they are growing in numbers probably due to the growing popularity of the Scottish Freedom message and a successfully revamped website.

For more on the Rally check out my Scottish Republic weblog very soon and more photos of the Sunday afternoon event. Also I will be publicising a copy of the speech delivered by a representative of the Northern England branch of SRSM.

SlainteLarry

IRSN Statement for John MacLean Rally 2011

2011-11-12T14:23:00.000-06:00

INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST NETWORK STATEMENT OF SOLIDARITY WITH THE COMMEMORATION OF SCOTTISH REVOLUTIONARY JOHN MACLEAN

Comrades, the International Republican Socialist Network is proud to speak to those gathered today in commemoration of the great John MacLean through this statement. The IRSN was founded to increase awareness of, and support for, republican socialism as a distinct tendency within the Marxist tradition. We in the IRSN are ever mindful that it was Scotland that gave the world the two greatest activists of this tendency, Edinburgh’s James Connolly and John MacLean of Glasgow.

John MacLean’s words from 1923 still offer wisdom to the workers of Scotland, he wrote: “I’m certain London will never lead the Clyde or Scotland, so we must lead ourselves. A separate republic is justifiable as a step to keep Scotland out of the future wars involving England; and breaking up the Empire that most of all retards Communism.”

The entity known as “Great Britain,” which ceases to exist without Scotland, is not a basis for working class unity; it is an anachronism, intended to benefit the English ruling class at the expense of the Scottish people. Yes, the Scottish workers are a part of the larger working class of the entire island of Britain, but so too are they as much a part of the working class of Europe and the world. Just as residing in a nation distinct from Palestine, Venezuela, Bolivia, Egypt, or Tunisia does not impede their capacity for solidarity with the workers of those nations; the creation of a Scottish republic will provide no impediment to solidarity with workers in England, Wales, or Ireland. To the sectarian Left who deride the struggle for Scottish independence with the canard that it threatens class unity, we ask, as Engels did in his day, if they would be prepared to move their head offices to Edinburgh to demonstrate their solidarity with Scottish workers and we denounce them, as Marx and Engels did, as English national chauvinists hiding behind a mask of internationalism.

MacLean wrote further on the subject of Scottish independence, saying: “I accordingly stand out as a Scottish Republican…feeling sure that if Scotland had to elect a Parliament to sit in Glasgow it would vote for a working-class Parliament. Such a Parliament would have to use the might of the workers to force the land and all the means of production in Scotland out of the grasp of the brutal few who control them, and place them at the full disposal of the community. The social revolution is possible sooner in Scotland than in England.”

The Tories were not unearthed from their grave and restored to power on the basis of their electoral support in Scotland or Wales. For a century, working class organizations in Britain have stood on solid bases in Scotland and Wales and the forces of reaction have overwhelmed them from their bases in England. The fact that the SNP’s program stands to the left of Labour’s is a result of the sentiments of the electorate in Scotland being to the left of Labour’s electoral base in Britain as a whole. The creation of an independent Scottish republic will not only protect Scottish workers from those bastions of reaction to their south, however; by breaking apart the ancien regime of Britain, Scottish independence will mortally wound one of the world’s leading imperialist powers, thereby ultimately serving the interests of not only English workers, but working people throughout the world who suffer from the violence of British imperialism.

We would be remiss and ill-serve the memory of either MacLean, or of Connolly, were we to only aver our support for Scottish independence at today’s commemoration. Republican socialism is founded on the inseparable unity of the struggle for national liberation with the struggle for socialism. Reflecting on the contribution of John MacLean to humanity today, let us not lose sight of that reality. The struggle for an independent Scottish republic must be a struggle for a Scottish Workers’ Republic, if it is to merit the effort of Scottish working people. The current international crisis of capitalism and the endless violence of imperialism in Libya, Afghanistan, Iraq and beyond should be more than enough to tell us that capitalism is now a fetid anachronism itself; one that offers no future to working people other than growing austerity and misery. So, as Connolly said to the Irish Citizen Army’s volunteers marching out during the Easter Rising, hang on to your guns because others fighting with you for independence have a different concept of the republic to be built, we say to you today, prepare for a struggle that will continue after Scottish independence has been won. Scotland will be truly independent until it has freed its economy of the tentacles of the imperialists; until Scotland’s farms, oil, industries, banks, and the rest are the common property of the nation, that is, of Scottish people as a whole.

Our class, the working class, has created all of the wealth in the world today. All the food has been harvested by workers, every structure standing was built by workers, every mile travelled is on roads laid down by workers, the trillions of bits of data that make up the reality of contemporary commerce, education, and entertainment travel on are enabled by the silicone chips and optical fibers made by workers, keyed into worker-constructed networks by workers. All of these are the creation of the hands and minds of working people and it is our right to claim them as our own. How can it be that working people go hungry, lack adequate housing, lack transport, are denied information, education, and the means to live a life of quality, when all of these things are the creation of our class? Comrades, it is long past time we be done with the system of capitalism and take back what is rightfully ours.

As those here today and the millions of Scottish working people move forward towards a Scottish Workers’ Republic, they will be creating the only truly fitting memorial to the memory of the John MacLean. Thus it is through the struggle for that republic that the spirit of MacLean stirs and rises again in our midsts, prompting me to close, with that image in mind, with the words of Hamish Henderson:

The hale city’s quiet noo,
It kens that he’s resting
At hame wi’ his Glasgow freens,
Their joy and their pride.
The red will be worn again
And Scotland will march again,
Noo great John MacLean
Has come hame tae the Clyde.

Peter Urban
Comrade, International Republican Socialist Network

Original Design of Starry Plough- €10

2011-11-05T07:27:00.001-05:00

The éirígí shop has recently added five new items for sale as the
first part in updates which will take place this Autumn. There are
three new flags for sale- Original Starry Plough (history of this flag
provided below), Connolly Column and Four Province flags- at the
reasonable price of €10. There are also two new A3 posters available.
Both the ‘Britain Out of Ireland’ and ‘An Bhreatain Amach as Éireann’.
Over the past year the simple message of these posters has become a
common sight in Ireland on stickers, posters, t-shirts and online. Now
the posters are available to buy for €5 each.

Original Starry Plough

On the 5th of April 1914 the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) paraded their
colours, the Starry Plough, at a meeting. The flag was unlike any
other used in Ireland and is made up of an agricultural plough with
superimposed upon its structure the star constellation Ursa Major
(also called the Great Bear or Plough or Big Dipper).The flag had a
gilt edge, the background is green, the plough itself is yellow and
the stars are silver.

The original suggestion that the ICA should have its own flag came
from Jim Larkin but the actual design of the flag is credited to
Belfast artist William H. Megahy. At the time of designing the flag he
was working as a teacher in the School of Art located in Kildare
Street in Dublin. Sean O’Casey (the then secretary of the Citizen
Army) carried out research into the origins of the flag and in 1954
submitted the original drawing of the design to the National Museum.
The only major difference between this and the flag produced is that
in the drawing the flag has a blue and not a green background. The
identity of the person who decided to change the colour is not known.
It was produced by the Dun Emer Guild. In a picture of the flag
outside Croydon House, Fairview in the summer of 1915 the flag is
being carried on a pole with an red hand on the top- this is the
symbol of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union.

The Imperial Hotel on O’Connell Street was probably not occupied until
the Tuesday of the Easter Rising, when a detachment of volunteers who
had previously been based on Westmoreland Street were moved into the
building. Later on in the day another section of rebels was sent from
the G.P.O. to reinforce those already there and early on Wednesday the
rebels hoisted a tricolour over the building. Later on during the day
James Connolly sent over the Starry Plough with instructions that it
be placed over the Hotel. Connolly would have been well aware that the
Hotel was owned by William Martin Murphy, who was the employers leader
during the 1913 lockout. The message from Connolly was clearly that in
the new Irish Republic that, workers would be in the ascendant over
the exploiters who lived off their sweat and toil.

After the Rising it was widely believed that the flag had been burned
along with the rest of the hotel. However it still flew over the front
of the building and remained flying there right through till the
following Saturday evening. A Lieutenant of the 9th Reserve Cavalry
Regiment then occupying O’Connell Street spotted the flag flying above
the G.P.O. With the help of a police officer he removed it and took it
as a souvenir. The National Museum acquired it from him in 1955.

In 1934 it was decided to re-establish the ICA in conjunction with the
launch of the Republican Congress. A number of the members of the
original ICA were consulted and their recollections of the design of
the original flag were recorded. Some of these differed radically.
Eventually the new Starry Plough was produced but it was significantly
altered with the agricultural plough now missing and the background
colour blue. Seven white stars which make up the star constellation of
the Plough were kept. It wasn’t until 1955 when the National Museum
managed to acquire the original and authenticate it that the
difference in the two flags was accepted.

Sean O’Casey wrote the following lines about the flag, “Be worthy,
men, of following such a banner, for this is your flag of the future.
Whatever may happen to me; though I should mingle with the dust, or
fall to ashes in a flame, the plough will always remain to furrow the
earth, the stars will always be there to unveil the beauty of the
night, and a newer people, living a newer life, will sing like the
sons of the morning.”

SRSM Annual John MacLean Rally 2011

2011-11-04T17:36:00.004-05:00

Assemble 1pm at MacLean's Grave in Eastwood cemetery for oration followed by march from Boydston Road outside cemetry gates to the MacLean Cairn at Pollockshaws shopping centre for Rally with speakers then social nearby. Sunday 27th November All welcome. www.scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org

Scottish Republican Socialist News

British Army out of QUB

2011-10-24T12:31:00.000-05:00

British Army out of QUB

A protest against the British Army presence in QUB has been organised by the Republican Congress Student Society. Having already held a public meeting regarding the murderous reality of Imperialism throughout the world the Republican Congress has now decided to take to the streets to protest against the Imperialists active on our campus. The protest will assemble in front of QUB Students Union and then proceed to confront the Imperialists.
The fact that the RIR is regularly allowed recruiting stalls on campus and that the British Army's Officer Training Corps is allowed society status in the college demands action. Murdered Irish, Afghan and Iraqi people demand that socialists, radicals and republicans help build a campaign to have these murderers kicked off campus.

Join the Protest against Imperialists!
British RIR out of QUB!
British OTC out of QUB!
British Murderers out of QUB!

Assemble in front of QUB Students Union
Wednesday 26th October
7pm

Scottish Workers Republic - Latest Edition

2011-10-05T07:38:00.001-05:00

Hi All

The latest edition of the Scottish Workers Republic the journal for the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement is now available for purchase. This is a bumper 32 page post election special and articles include The Crisis of Capitalism: Towards a Republican Scotland - Gerry Cairns, Cultural Imperialism - Eric Canning, Lessons From the Tragedy in Libya - Peter Urban, On The Brink - Brian Quail, Hono...uring the Scots who Fought Franco - Stephen Coyle, James Connolly 1868-1916 An Unrepentant Socialist - Dr James D Young (this is a taster for his forthcoming book which will be in print soon), There is an article by Jim Clayson which looks at the possibility that he has uncovered another lost work by Robert Burns titled "To Lord Chief Justice Eyre" as well as an article relating to the Proscripton Act of 1746 which was written by Alexander MacDonald 1700-1770 who joined the Jacobite Army in 1745 and was appointed to teach Gaelic to Charles Edward Stuart. The poem is in Gaelic and English.

This edition has lots lots more, buy your copy now £3 + P+P from the SRSM, P.O. BOX 16887, GLASGOW, G11 9EP , SCOTLAND. Please make cheques / postal orders out to SRSM, payment can also be made via PAYPAL our payment address is -

info@scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org

UK postage is £1, Europe £2, Rest of the World £3

John MacLean: In Memory

2011-09-17T18:46:00.000-05:00

Hi All,
new article now available to be read at the SRSM website on the link below.This article was written by Peter Berresford Ellis in 1973 and has featured in a few publications over the years.

http://scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org/SRSMArticlesJohnMacLeanInMemory.aspx

Enjoy reading

(Peter Berresford Ellis)

Fifty years ago 40,000 Scots followed the funeral cortege of the Scottish Marxist and Labour Leader, John MacLean, to Eastwood Cemetery, Glasgow. Today few Scots remember MacLean, yet he is acclaimed by Socialists of all groups. It is strange, therefore that there is notone volume of MacLean's essays or lectures currently in print, and that few people know just what this Scottish patriot and Marxist stood for. There is not even a biography of the man who was a close friend, of Larkin and Connolly, and who was regarded by Lenin and Trotsky as one of the most important Socialists that the nations of these islands, ever produced. The man who was honoured by the Soviet Russian Government as early as 1918. There is hardly another revolutionary whose work has been more thoroughly buried than that of MacLean, and whose character has been more successfully assassinated.

MacLean, a schoolteacher by profession, devoted himself to teaching working men Marxist economics; and his classes, which he began in 1906, laid the foundation for the Scottish Labour College. When the 1914 War began he denounced it as on imperialist war, as Lenin and Connolly were to do. His denunciation lost him his Job as a teacher. In September 1915 he launched his own newspaper, "Vanguard”, which ran to only five issues before it was suppressed. In October 1915 - MacLean was arrested and imprisoned for sedition under the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). In February 1916 he was again arrested, and on April the 11th was sentenced to three years' penal servitude, large scale demonstrations led by prominent Socialists of the day led to his release fifteen months later. Connolly, in the very last issue of "The Workers' Republic," also demanded MacLean’s release. MacLean had become known to Irish Socialists through the columns of Connolly's newspapers, and had paid a number of visits to Ireland before 1916. He was “an old friend” of Connolly, who also had been born and brought up in Scotland and began his political life in the Scottish Socialist Movement.

Seamus Reader (1), organiser of the Scottish Brigade of the Irish Volunteers (afterwards the I.R.A.) carried reports to the Irish Military council in Dublin on Scottish conditions during 1916. Connolly, he recalls, was influenced by the state of affairs on "Red Clydeside," and Reader wrote in ‘The Irish in Scotland in 1916’: "Connolly said that Ireland could not wait until 1917 or 1918. John MacLean expected to be arrested in January or February, as he intended demonstrating against the war and conscription. The workers should strike, and those who had guns should use them." When the Easter Rising took place in Dublin, MacLean was still in jail. Along with Lenin, MacLean was one of the few Socialist leaders to hail the rising and to appreciate its importance.

Events were also happening in Russia. Lenin and Trotsky had already acclaimed MacLean, and at the first All Russia Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils in Petrograd (Leningrad), MacLean and Karl Liebnecht were elected honorary presidents of the Soviet Presidium. On February the 1st 1918, on Lenin's instructions, MacLean was appointed Consul for Soviet Affairs covering Scotland and England and Wales. Despite harassment by the Special Branch, MacLean did much work to aid Russian political refugees. But the English Government had, at this time, militarily intervened to smash the young Russian Republic, and on May the 9th 1918, MacLean received a sentence of five years' penal servitude for sedition.

At the trial he mode a magnificent defence speech: "I am a Socialist and have been fighting and will fight for an absolute reconstruction of society for the benefit of all. I am proud of my conduct. I have squared my conscience with my intellect -I am not here, then, as the accused; I am here as the accuser of Capitalism dripping with blood from head to foot!" Again, there were mass demonstrations, and these led to his release on December the 3rd. He immediately stood in a parliamentary by-election, coming second to the official Labour Party candidate.

In May 1920 MacLean relaunched his newspaper, "Vanguard." He began to write numerous articles supporting the Irish struggle and urging Scotsmen, as fellow Gaels, not to be used as tools for murdering their brother Gaelsof Ireland. During this time he published a pamphlet ‘The Irish Tragedy -Scotland' s Disgrace’, which sold 200,000 copies. In this he called for a General Strike and for the withdrawal of English troops in Ireland. MacLean addressed meetings on the Irish question in Ireland, Scotland, and England. He continually urged working class support for the Irish struggle. Orange mobs broke up one meeting in Motherwell. In May 1921 MacLean was again arrested and imprisoned for sedition. He served three months. In September 1921 came yet another arrest, and a sentence of one year. During this time he forced the prison 'authorities to concede him the status of a political prisoner, something never accorded by England, which refuses political status to obviously Political prisoners.

Throughout this time he had been working for the establishment of a Scottish Communist Party aiming at the formation of a Scottish Workers' Republic. Through his association with Connolly and Larkin he had come to the conclusion that national independence was a prelude to social independence, that national and social independence were not conflicting ideals but two parts of one basic democratic ideal; and a few faithful comrades joined him in forming a Scottish Workers' Republican Party early in 1923. MacLean’s Scottish Republicanism had developed during the war years, and perhaps the greatest single influence on the national question was the Irish experience and the teachings of Connolly; but a fellow Scot also had a far-reaching effect on MacLean’s political thinking. This was Ruaraidh Erskine of Marr, a prominent leader of re Gaelic language revival in Scotland, who for years had advocated a Scottish Socialist Republic. Erskine had hailed the Easter Rising and the Russian Revolution; and had taken an anti-war stand.

Those who followed the "British" Communist- Party bitterly attacked MacLean’s Scottish Workers' Republic. They were particularly vicious because of the prestige and influence MacLean had with the workers. They promptly began a character assassination, saying that MacLean had become deranged. In anguish MacLean wrote a famous "Open Letter to Lenin" denouncing his attackers (‘The Socialist’, February 1921). MacLean’s articles and letters right to the time of his death are clear, concise, and theoretically well balanced. In "All Hail, the Scottish Workers' Republic!" (August 1920) MacLean wrote: "For some time past the feeling has been growing that Scotland should strike out for National Independence, as well as Ireland and other lands. This has recently been strengthened by the English Government's intention to rely mainly on Scottish troops to murder the Irish Race. Genuine Scotsmen recently asked themselves the question: 'are we Scots to be used as the bloody tools of the English against our brother Gael of Erin? ' And naturally the instinctive response was- No!"

MacLean went on: "Many Irishmen live in Scotland, and as they are Gaels like the Scots and are out for Irish independence, and as wage earners have been champion fighters for working- class rights. We expect them to ally themselves with us and help us to attain our Scottish Communist Republic, as long as they live in Scotland. Irishmen must remember that Communism prevailed among the Irish clans as among the Scottish clans, so that, in lining up with Scotsmen, they are but carrying, forward the traditions and instincts of the Gaelic race." MacLean began to prepare for an election pending on December the 30th 1923. He was standing as a candidate for his Scottish Workers' Republican Party, which was slowly building its strength; but on November the 30th, 1923, he died... His death at the age of forty-four from pneumonia was attributable to the severe hardships he had suffered during his years of imprisonment.

A number of publications appeared some time after his death. "John MacLean," by Guy Aldred, 1932; Willie Gallagher’s autobiography, "Revolution on the Clyde, " in 1936: "John MacLean" by Tom Bell', in 1944; Emmanuel Shinwell's "Conflict without Malice,"1955. He subscribed to the lie that MacLean had become" unhinged" because he advocated Scottish Independence (2). Only James Clunie, in "The Voice of Labour," printed several of MacLean’s letters written during the years in question, in order to prove that MacLean was in perfectly sound mind. Recently, Walter Kendall’s "The Revolutionary Movement It in Britain, 1900-21" has revealed the full extent of the attempt to discredit MacLean.

Nevertheless, there is still no anthology of MacLean’s works, nor a published biography (though several biographies have been written). It is possible, though, that a biography by MacLean' s daughter, Mrs. Nan Milton, will be issued soon. In recent years the John MacLean Society, of which Mrs. Milton is Secretary, has managed to republish a few of MacLean’s pamphlets (including "The Irish Tragedy -Scotland's Disgrace"). These have contrived to create a certain amount of interest in MacLean and his work.

This year, the fiftieth anniversary of MacLean’s tragic death in 1923," committees are forming to try to publicise more fully his writings. The committees will also seek to raise money for a publishing fund in order to reissue some of MacLean’s pamphlets. The year’s activities will culminate in the unveiling of a memorial to MacLean in Eastwood cemetery in November. It is not without significance that there has long been a memorial to MacLean on the wall of the Kremlin in Moscow.
(1) Seamus Reader (Seumas Mac Ridire): See Winter 1973 ‘Catalyst' p.17.
(2) Mannie Shinwell, a Glasgow Jew, was later to become, as Lord Shinwell, that caricature of a Socialist - a Labour Peer.

This article was first published in ‘Rosc Catha’. It was also translated into the Breton magazine ‘Sav Breizh’. Later published in ‘Catalyst’ Autumn 1973, and SWR in 1988.

Weblogs added to SRS News

2011-09-05T16:57:00.003-05:00

The following weblog links below have now been added to Scottish Republican Socialist News if you would like your weblog added to SRS News then please email me at redlarry1962@googlemail.com.

Scottish Republican Socialist Newsletter

dawnofliberation.blogspot.com

Scottish Republic

scottishsocfree.blogspot.com

The Breton Connection

thebretonconnection.blogspot.com

The Cornish Republican

thecornishrepublican.blogspot.com

Leanne Wood

leannewoodamac.blogspot.com

IRSP Scotland

irspscotland.wordpress.com

Iskra's Republican Socialist blog

iskra1916.blogspot.com

Scottish Republican Socialist News updated

2011-08-25T13:06:00.005-05:00

Just thought I would post here about the new look Scottish Republican Socialist News website.

It is a website that is regularly updated about Scottish events especially republican and socialist but also cultural.

Recently updated are pictures and photos in which some you can click on to get redirected to another site on the image topic.

Also updated are the Scottish Links from tribal Scottish music to Scottish Republican Socialism Movement and John MacLean. There is a link to the SNP majority Scottish Government and The Society of William Wallace.

Any organisation or individual wanting to advertise their event in Scotland on Scottish Republican Socialist News please do not hesitate to email me at redlarry1962@googlemail.com

And the website will get a new domain name next month in which I will advertise widely.

Scottish Republican Socialist News proudly links to SRSM. Again to link to my site please email me.
Slainte
Larry
Scottish Republican Socialist News
http://redstar.webnode.com

"It's 28yrs since the IRSP spoke at a hugerstrike commeration in Belfast."

2011-08-23T12:42:00.000-05:00

Tommy McKearney - James Connolly commemoration

2011-08-09T08:05:00.000-05:00

Former H-Block hunger strike and IWU organiser Tommy McKearney speaks at éirígí's James Connolly commemoration in Arbour Hill, Dublin, 10 May 2008.

Gerry MacGregor remembered

2011-08-08T07:50:00.007-05:00

I had to share this excellent write up Gerry got in Memoriam in Saoirse newspaper of RSF which I have typed until the current edition can be received online.
Slainte
Larry

THE well-known Republican and talented folk singer Gerry MacGregor passed away peacefully in a Glasgow hospital on July 24

Gerry hailed from the village of Duntocher in Dunbartonshire and had Donegal roots. Since his youth he was actively involved in revolutionary politics and embraced the causes of Scottish and Irish freedom and was a committed internationalist.

His heroes were John MacLean, James Connolly and Bobby Sands.

Gerry was actively involved in the Scottish Republican Socialist Party/Movement and was delighted with the landslide SNP victory in the Holyrood elections in May of this year.

Gerry was a regular participant at the annual Republican Sinn Fein 1916 Commemoration in Glasgow on Easter Sunday and attended an Republican Sinn Fein Ard-Fheis several years ago.

The plight of the Republican POWs were never far from his mind and Gerry performed at numerous CABHAIR benefits in support of the prisoners without taking any money. He is best known for his singing and performed for many years after Celtic FC home games in the Tolbooth at Glasgow Cross and also the Tall Cranes in Govan.

His albums include Bobby Sands - The Lark: A Tribute. Scotland Out of Britain - Britain Out of Ireland, I Sure Like Mondays and Your Daughters and Your Sons
Gerry's songs reflected his support for Irish and Scottish liberation, his working class politics and international principles.

He will be sorely missed by the many people who were inspired by his singing and who knew him through the numerous progressive causes he embraced. Sincere sympathy is offered to his partner Karen and family circle.
SAOIRSE Irish Freedom The Voice of the Republican Movement
UIMH 292 LUNASA AUGUST 2011

Giving the SNP a chance to deliver Independence

2011-08-06T11:10:00.006-05:00

Nat MSP's fury over tartan extremists

That was the headline for the article about the so-called Scottish Liberation Movement (SLM) which screamed out the Daily Reptile or Daily Record as it is officially known.

What is known about the SLM is little indeed except that they exist on Facebook supposedly although it is not clear how to find them.

In the coming months and years we must be patient and give the SNP a chance to deliver in Government and most importantly an Independence Referendum.

Scotland will get her independence in good time with the support of the majority of the Scottish people.

We must beware about dirty tricks or false flag ships being set up by the British state to try and publicly discredit Scottish nationalism.

Even if a band of Scottish Rebels wanted to hit back at the British state the common sense approach would be not advertise themselves all over Facebook.

However divisions will still happen with some polarization of Scottish society between nationalist and unionist. This is inevitable and happened and exists in Ireland.

In Scotland however we have the opportunity to have a velvet revolution of sorts and the wind of change is in the air. Scottish people are more aware of their culture nowadays especially since Devolution despite it's political limitations.

In Ireland the situation historically has been different with occupation of that country. However we must essentially be cautious about the same divide and rule tactic employed by unionists and the British state.

I do not want to see any more patriots go to jail after being labeled in mock fashion as Tartan extremists by the Brits.

Give the SNP a chance to deliver freedom they have not had such a strong mandate from the Scottish people ever before.
Larry

Free Brendan Lillis campaign video

2011-07-31T04:40:00.002-05:00

Free Brendan Lillis campaign video on You Tube

RIP Gerry MacGregor

2011-07-27T05:04:00.003-05:00

Obituary

Gerry MacGregor b. 2/6/59. Duntocher. D.. 24/7/2011 Western Infirmary, Glasgow.

Born Gerry Dodds, Gerry reverted back to the clan name of MacGregor. Dodds being one of several names adopted by the MacGregors during their many proscriptions, where their very name and tartan was banned by law. Gerry often wore the full belted plaid in the Clan reenactment society and looked ever inch a MacGregor outlaw and coo thief and was often billed as the “Mountain Man” in the Pubs and clubs where he played his overtly political folk songs for Scotland, Ireland and international workers generally. Along with Eddie Alex Scullion and Leanne Coyle he played in the group, “Druzba”, Russian for “Truth“, often in the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic. He played in Spain, Ireland and many other locations, as a Scottish Republican socialist.

As soon as his autopsy is over we will publish details of his funeral. It will be a humanist funeral and he will be cremated. His ashes will be scattered by his partner, Karen Mcluskey. We will publish details of his funeral as soon as we know, along with other details of Gerry’s life.

Donald Anderson.
http://scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org
http://scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org/SRSMForum.aspx

Kernow / Information on Cornwall

2011-07-25T06:19:00.006-05:00

What makes Cornwall unique
By admin | July 9, 2011
Cornwall, not England
A great many arguments and counter-arguments have raged regarding the true status of Cornwall. A status that is certainly unique within Great Britain. Why is it unique?
Nigel Pengelly asks historian Craig Weatherhill what is the real and verifiable truth that lies behind Cornwall’s claims?

Is it true that Cornwall was a kingdom?
Absolutely true, and accepted by all historians. Originally it was part of the kingdom of Dumnonia that may well predate the Roman occupation. This covered the whole of the south-western peninsula as far as a north-south line linking the Rivers Axe and Parrott. The advance of the Wessex Saxons caused the border to retreat westward until, by the 8th century only Cornwall was left. It must be remembered, though, that even then and until the 10th century, Cornwall extended to the Exe.

Do we know anything about the kings?
Some of them, although details of most are scanty at best. Fragments of a king-list survive, naming those who reigned from about 450 AD to around 650 AD and who would have been associated with the royal citadel at Tintagel, roughly dated to 450-700 AD. The earliest of these was Gurvor, then Tudwal. His successor was Cynvor, who flourished in the early to mid-6th century. Could he be the Cunomorus named on Fowey’s Tristan Stone (Cunomorus is a Latinised form of the Celtic name Cynvor), the lettering of which is dated to 530-570 AD? Could he also be the man mentioned in the 9th century Breton monk Wrmonoc’s Life of St Paul Aurelian as the king Quonomorius, also called Marcus? Was he, therefore, the famous King Mark of Cornwall?

The next king, Constantine, was king when the monk Gildas wrote around 540 AD. He castigated five contemporary British (Celtic) kings and called Constantine: “the tyrannical whelp of the unclean lioness of Dumnonia”. Welsh records refer to him as Custennin Gorneu (“of Cornwall” – an early reference to the native name Kernow). He is said to have abdicated when elderly and gone into the Church. He was succeeded by Erbin, another name which crops up in Welsh tradition as does the name of the next king,
Gerent I.
He might have been the Gerent rac Deheu (“Gerent for the south”) who fought against the English at Catraeth (Catterick, Yorkshire) in 598. The next king was Cado, remembered by Geoffrey of Monmouth as Cador of Cornwall. After him come Peredur and Theudu.

The king list fizzles out at this point but we know of Gerent II, possibly Theudu’s successor. In 705, the Synod of Wessex wrote to “Gerontius Rex”, demanding that the Celtic (Columban) Church in Cornwall conform to the doctrines of Rome. That demand was never fufilled.

After Gerent II is a huge gap of 170 years before we find records of another Cornish king, Donyarth, recorded by the Annales Cambriae as having drowned in 878 AD. The Annales refer to him as “rex Cerniu” (“king of Cornwall”). Fifty years later, we find another one, Huwal, called by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles “king of the West Welsh”, a term exclusively used to describe the British Celts of Dumnonia and Cornwall (this was not Hywel Dda of South Wales). He was one of several kings who signed a treaty with Aethelstan of Wessex in 928 at Egmont Bridge, following which (and after he’d forced the Cornish from Exeter), Aethelstan fixed the border between Cornwall and Wessex at the east bank of the Tamar – exactly where it remains today in constitutional law (in spite of the unlawful alterations to it by the Boundary Commission and the Ordnance Survey).

So, was Huwal the last Cornish king?
We don’t know, but it appears that at the time of the Norman Conquest a man named Cadoc, described as the last of the Cornish royal line, became the first Earl. After him, the Norman authorities cleverly appointed Celtic-speaking Bretons to the Earldom; men like Count Brian, Robert of Mortain and Count Alan. There are indications that, under this system, the Cornish regarded the Normans as allies.

Are you saying that Cornwall was not conquered by the English and absorbed into Wessex?
No, it wasn’t. If it had been, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles would not have failed to shout it. Instead, there’s not a word, not in any record and the fact that some “historians” assume – even insist upon – its conquest by, and inclusion in, Wessex reflects rather badly upon their own integrity. Cornwall’s continued independence is strongly supported by the fact that it has enjoyed special status, as Earldom and Duchy, ever since.

So, you don’t believe that Cornwall is part of England
No, and for many reasons. First of all, Cornwall was portrayed on numerous maps, including the famous Mappa Mundi, as separate from England right up until the mid 16th century. Henry VIII even listed England and Cornwall separately in the list of his realms given in his coronation address and, interestingly, Elizabeth I stated that she did not rule Cornwall (but Cornish was among the languages she was reputed to speak). 1549 changed many things. No longer do we find Anglia et Cornubia in official documents; the British Sea suddenly became the English Channel and Cornwall as a separate entity was omitted from the maps. No record exists of any formal annexation of Cornwall to England, nor were we party to the Act of Union in 1707. More reasons will crop up later.

So the Cornish people are not English?
No, they can be no more English than the Welsh are, and for precisely the same reason. Modern archaeology now admits that the Cornish and Welsh of today are the remnants of an ancient race native to these islands since at least the Neolithic period, between 4,000 and 6,000 years ago. They also now believe that the Celtic language came into being during that same period as a common language of sea trading communities along the Atlantic coasts of Europe from Spain to the Hebrides. Cornish is a direct descendant of that early language. All in all, a heritage to be truly proud of even though officialdom seeks to erase it by dubbing monuments of those periods “English” Heritage. The English peoples, on the other hand, hail from what is now Germany and the Low Countries and did not begin to migrate into Britain until the mid 5th century AD. They had little or no contact with Cornwall until the 8th century. In 1937, Bartholomew published a Map of European Ethnicity prepared by the Edinburgh Institute of Geography which featured “Cornish Celtic”.

I note that you never refer to Cornwall as a “county”.
It’s officially a Duchy and that’s the title recommended by the Kilbrandon Report back in 1973 to be used instead of “county”. The imposition of official county status imposed on Cornwall in 1889 (a year after the rest of the country) was not lawful. Interestingly, the Duchy Charters and other documents refer to the old Cornish Hundreds as “shires” and “counties”. Now, how can any county contain counties?

The name Kernow, you say, is old?
Very old. The Ravenna Cosmography, compiled c700 AD from Roman material 300 years older, lists a route running westward into Cornwall. On this route is a place then called Durocornovio (Latinised from British Celtic duno-Cornouio-n – “fortress of the Cornish”). This has been identified as Tintagel (long before Earl Richard built his castle there) and in the Cornish of today would be rendered as Dyn Kernowyon. In 878, the drowned king Donyarth is recorded in Welsh annals as rex Cerniu, and you will find the present spelling – Kernow – as early as 1400. Remember that there was no such entity as England until just before the year 900 when it first appears on record (as Englaland). So the invading Romans did not occupy England, as too many TV presenters state – how could they, unless they had a time machine that could jump 850 years into their future?

What about Cornwall’s much-vaunted Parliament? Surely that’s just a joke?
Far from it. Even in King John’s day, Cornwall’s Stannary Parliament was believed to stretch back into antiquity – no one knows how far back it goes. After Cornwall’s brief war with England in 1497, part of the cause of which was due to the English king suspending the Stannaries, Henry VII relented and in 1508 restored it under the Charter of Pardon (for a price – the greedy king demanded and got £1,000). This gave the Stannary Parliament additional powers, still valid to this day. The Stannary has power of veto over any Statute or Act of Parliament. People think that the Stannary Parliament applied only to tinners but the terms of the Charter include the words, “their heirs and successors”. You don’t have to be a tinner to be an heir or successor. The terms of the Charter apply to the entire Cornish people.

Yes, but 1508 was a long time ago.
Sure it was, but there are extant English laws that date back even further. In 1977, in answer to a question from Plaid Cymru, the then Attorney General, Lord Elwyn Jones, confirmed that the powers of the Stannary remained intact at law. At a later date the Hansard Library also confirmed that the Charter of Pardon can only be repealed by the Cornish people themselves (as contrasted with “the people of Cornwall”).

That’s not very democratic.
Depends on how you look at it. The Charter of Pardon was meant for the Cornish people alone. I don’t see that it’s any different from the present situation in Andorra where Andorrans only make up about 40% of the population but only they are allowed to vote in its elections.

So why haven’t we got that Parliament and its right of veto?
Because the establishment in London doesn’t want it. In fact, it took only 41 years for London to trample all over the Charter with the forcible imposition of their state religion and language. It is not often mentioned that this contempt for the Charter and the Cornish people was a major reason for the war in 1549 (not ‘rebellion’ – you can only rebel against a legitimate authority). The attitude persists to this day. During that war, the Cornish took Plymouth without a shot being fired, then laid siege to Exeter for 5 weeks. We fought five of the biggest and bloodiest battles ever fought on British soil. Thousands died, including 900 unarmed Cornish prisoners (figure from Edward VI’s own chronicler, John Hayward), and yet ‘English’ Heritage refuses to recognise the battle sites and enter them on the Register of British Battlefields. For that organisation, as it told visitors to Restormel Castle 6 years ago, there was no war – just “wicked rebels” opposing a “good king”. Sadly, we came second but I still think that our general, Sir Humphrey Arundell, should be placed alongside Josef an Gof as the greatest of our heroes.

What about the Duchy? Is it true that it is just a collection of private estates?
That’s what we are told and Duchy representatives have been very liberal with the truth in that respect. The real and lasting truth lies in the successful submission by the Duchy’s Attorney General, Sir George Harrison, in the late 1850s in a spat with the Crown over the latter’s greedy attempt to land-grab Cornwall’s foreshore. Harrison’s submission stated plain fact, describing Cornwall as a Palatine state that had always been held apart from England and that the entire jurisdiction of the Crown within Cornish borders was held by the Duke. In other words – and uniquely in Britain – the reigning monarch’s writ does not extend to Cornwall. Here, the Duke is the ruler. This is why Henry VIII listed England and Cornwall separately in the list of his realms given in his coronation address. He ruled England as King, and Cornwall as Duke. In fact, the title Duke of Cornwall is vastly senior to that of Prince of Wales. As Duke, the incumbent is a ruling sovereign; as Prince of Wales he is merely a figurehead. Under Duchy Charters, the Duke appoints the Sherriff: elsewhere in Britain, including Wales, this appointment is made by the monarch. Harrison also pointed out that, irrespective of external land holdings, the Duchy covered the entire area of Cornwall – including the bed and waters of the Tamar. This confirms the ancient boundary fixed by Aethelstan 900 years previously as, indeed, does the Tamar Bridge Act 1998 that also confirms the power of the Duke. This truth has not been altered since by change or amendment of any Act. It can be tested. If you die intestate on Cornish soil, your estate will pass to the Duchy. The entire foreshore of Cornwall belongs to the Duchy. If a sturgeon is caught in Cornish waters, it must be offered to the Duke, who also enjoys right of wreck in Cornish waters. All four examples are unique in Great Britain – elsewhere these are rights of the Crown – and I must mention one other stipulation of the Duchy Creation Charter that remains law today: no agent of the Crown can even set foot on Cornish soil to carry out Crown duties unless with the express permission of both the Duke and the Cornish parliament.

Whoops – that opens a can of worms!
Yes, doesn’t it just. It explains exactly why Cornwall’s rights have been deliberately ignored for 450 years, and why the ongoing stream of official untruths. Just look at the organisations that operate in Cornwall in direct breach of the Duchy Charters: HM Inspector of Taxes, the Crown Prosecution Service, Crown Courts and even the quangos created by recent governments: English Heritage, English Nature, English Estates. The Government, acting in the name of the Crown, does not allow Cornish children to be taught their own heritage. It even teaches them they are “English” and there have been recent complaints against teaching staff who have punished or humiliated Cornish children for insisting upon their true Cornish identity. London would be the first to condemn any other nation that was treating a legitimate minority in this way – and this situation has only been achieved, ever since 1549, by the exertion of “might is right”. One day, this may well be challenged, perhaps in Europe or to another international court – up to now, Cornwall hasn’t had the money to do it – and the London establishment can never win such a case. The evidence against it is overwhelming. Westminster has operated in complete contempt of its own law for ages and to undo what it has done will create utter chaos – but whose fault is that? Not ours.
Craig Weatherhill
http://www.cornwallinformation.co.uk/news/?p=3133

Solidarity with the Irish Struggle for Freedom & Civil Rights

2011-07-15T11:40:00.005-05:00

Important and necessary links have now been added to this weblog.

For Political Prisoners I have added the Irish Freedom Committee POW List for those wishing to write and support Irish Political Prisoners http://www.irishfreedomcommittee.net/POWs/IPOWS_LIST.htm
I have also added the Irish Political Status Committee Forum link for the genuine concern for Irish POWs and information about Irish events published on their site.
http://www.boards2go.com/boards/board.cgi?&user=ipsc

Also on the Political Prisoners links I have included the 32CSM Scotland weblog for the valuable work they publicise and carry out for Irish Republican Prisoners. And they also support Scottish Independence and deservedly also feature on my blog list updates.
http://32csmscot.blogspot.com

And finally I have created a new feature on my favourite list of books starting most importantly with Derry author and historian Fionnbarra O’Dochartaigh IRELAND - England's Vietnam book.
http://www.lulu.com/browse/search.php?fListingClass=0&fSearch=Ireland+%2F+Civil+Rights

As I support real Scottish Republican activity I urge common cause with our Irish brothers and sisters in struggle to break the English connection.
Scotland Out Of Britain!
Britain Out Of Ireland!
Larry

Forthcoming SRSM Events

2011-07-11T13:14:00.004-05:00

Woodside, Paisley
Saturday 13th. August 2011 at 11.30am. for 12 noon.

This event is organised by the 1820 Society

Sighthill Sunday 11th. September 2011 at 2pm. for 2.30pm.
Sighthill 'DOORS OPEN DAY' Sunday 18th. September at 2pm.

This event is organised by the 1820 Society

See SRSM website for any updates
http://scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org/Events

SRSM Northern England branch meeting

2011-06-20T10:50:00.000-05:00

SRSM Northern England branch

Next meeting is on Saturday 16 July, 12 noon at the "Society Rooms", Grosvenor Road, Stalybridge.
Stalybridge is 9 miles east of Manchester, at the foot of the Pennines and easy to reach by car and train.
Lowry did a lot of painting here and Engels wrote about the town in his "Condition of the English Working Class." The local football team is Stalybridge Celtic!
Society Rooms is a Wetherspoon so there's food, real ale etc.
Hope to meet up with people there!
We have loads to discuss including recent activities, publicity, future plans etc...

IRSN Solidarity Statement to the May 8th John MacLean SRSM Rally

2011-05-16T15:19:00.003-05:00

IRSN Solidarity Statement to the May 8th John MacLean SRSM Rally

19 April 2011

The comrades of the International Republican Socialist Network join with the members of the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement in commemorating the contribution of John MacLean to the struggle for a Scottish workers’ republic. With another Scottish-born Marxist, James Connolly, MacLean is among the most important figures in the history of the republican socialist tendency within the international socialist movement, which recognizes that, in the era of imperialism, genuine national liberation can only be achieved through the creation of a socialist republic.

This not only remains true today, but in fact has become ever more correct in the nine decades that have elapsed since MacLean’s death. It is correct because the capitalist classes of all nations are inherently dependent on the interests of the ruling class in the metropoles of the world to such an extent that they are unable to assert the distinct interests of their own nation, without undermining the interests of their class; but it is also correct because a nation is not a mere abstraction, but the living, flesh and blood, people resident within given borders and, in any developed capitalist nation, the majority of those people will be members of the working class. Insofar as that majority will continue to suffer the class oppression that is inevitable under capitalism, the actual liberation of a nation can only be seen as having been achieved when the majority of its people are freed from such tyranny.

The logic of MacLean remains forceful today, that the more wide-spread class consciousness and militancy within that Scottish working class, compared to that of England, creates a circumstance wherein independence for Scotland provides the best way forward for Scottish workers to obtain their liberation as a class. But in accomplishing this, Scottish workers will also benefit their sisters and brothers south of the border, in that anything that serves to weaken the British imperialist state provides opportunities for the workers of all the nations on the isle of Britain to challenge the ruling class.

As the sentiment in support of separation from the ‘ancient regime’ of the ‘United Kingdom’ has grown within the Scottish nation, until it has become the dominant political view today, it has become all the more essential that the message of republican socialism reaches the working people of Scotland. Independence will mean little to Scottish working people, if the capitalists of London continue to control the nation’s destiny through their ownership of the key components of the nation’s wealth. Far from ceasing their revolutionary drive to celebrate any success towards nominal Scottish independence, working women and men in Scotland must seize upon the opportunities provided to press forward to gain the liberation of the Scottish working class, and through this—and only through this—to achieve meaningful independence for the Scottish nation.

We in the IRSN join our voices with the comrades of the SRSM in echoing the words of John MacLean, “All Hail the Scottish Workers’ Republic!”

Peter Urban

Comrade, International Republican Socialist Network
http://irsn.weebly.com/irsn-solidarity-statement-to-the-may-8th-john-maclean-rally.html

John MacLean Commemoration 2011

2011-05-15T09:16:00.011-05:00

The Scottish Republican Socialist Movement recently held their John MacLean Commemoration. And I was sent this message on Facebook.
"MacLean commemoration went well. Good support from the Thornliebank Republican flute band. Gerry Cairns from John MacLean Society spoke at the rally along with both myself and Robbie MacDonald from the Northern England branch of SRSM. There were also speakers from FRFI."
alan

Also speech from SRSM Northern England Branch
Firstly I bring fraternal greetings from the Northern England branch -commun- of the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement.
We have been very active recently.
Last month -with the banner- we were on the massive TUC March in London.
Last week we were on a 1000 strong May Day march through City Centre Leeds.
Later this month -again with the banner- we will be on an anti-cuts demonstration in Wakefield, the first left femo there's been in the town for many a year.
And as well as us bringing fraternal greetings -and being active south of the border- I am aware that Peter Urban who is in San Francisco has sent greetings to this rally on behalf of the International Republican Socialist Network.
And I think what this goes to emphasise is that what this is all about -what Scottish Republicanism is all about---what John MacLean was all about---is true working class internationalism.
All too often the British Unionist Left say they oppose the break up of the British state because they are internationalists.
But Lenin -a great admirer of MacLean- advocated self determination for nations and for peoples who felt oppressed. Self determination lay at the heart of internationalism. The preservation of existing state boundaries was of no concern to the working class he said.
Lenin criticised those -such as Marxists in the Austrian Empire- who saw self determination simply in terms of cultural autonomy within existing states. He criticised also those -like Rosa Luxemburg- who argued against self determination for Poland for instance on account of its existing apparent economic integration with other states.
So MacLean -with his call for a Scottish Workers Republic- was at the heart of that internationalist tradition, that socialist tradition.
And it was that internationalism that spurred MacLean on.....
*He became Honorary President of the First All Russian Congress of Soviets.
*He became the first Soviet consul in Scotland.
*He formed an enduring friendship with Larkin and went to Belfast to support the dockers.
*He wrote of James Connolly and spoke out against British repression in Ireland.
So today we remember and we salute the memory of John MacLean.
*We remember him as a pioneer in working class education.
*We remember him as a great public speaker.
*We remember him as a principled opponent of imperialist wars.
*But surely we remember him above all as a socialist who saw the link between fighting national oppression and international working class solidarity.
Thank you comrades.
All Hail the Scottish Workers Republic!

Do you live in the north of England? Do you support an independent Socialist Scotland? We now have a branch of the SRSM. If you would like to join or help out please get in touch. alanharperstewart@hotmail.co.uk

Saorsa statement on Scottish Election

2011-05-13T13:32:00.002-05:00

In solidarity with the comrades of Saorsa I publish their post election statement in full here.
Larry

Pushing the Independence Agenda Onwards
Saorsa statement on Scottish Election
12 May 2011

Another election comes, another election goes. Fewer activists out in the streets or knocking doors, but lots more spent on glossy leaflets promising, well not very much. It seemed clear for some time that the SNP would win, possibly with an increased majority, but short of an overall majority. Most gains in constituency seats would likely be lost in list seats, due to the particular form of PR used at Holyrood

It seemed further clear that the idea independence - let alone socialism – was going to be won through Tony Blair’s parish council assembly with its institutional Unionist majority was not on the cards – a process heightened by the implosion of the organised pro-independence Left.

How wrong we were.

How wrong the whole country was.

The SNP should be given all credit for delivering the most incredible result in Scottish parliamentary history, sweeping aside all before them in the sort of landslide victory comparable perhaps to Labour in 1945 or Sinn Fein in 1918.

Despite all the Unionist blunder it is clear that the Scottish people have given the SNP an unquestionable mandate to begin the legal process of obtaining Scottish independence.

However the stunning scale of this victory must be built upon quickly because it is very unlikely to be repeated. It relied on a combination of factors, most notably the total annihilation of the Lib-Dems due to their participation in the Westminster coalition with the Tories, a betrayal of those who voted for them last year as some sort of progressive alternative to Labour. Whilst it will take many years for their betrayal to be forgiven, if at all, the real opposition will come from a rejuvenated Labour Party. For the second part of the equation which swept the SNP into power was the totally ineffectual and useless campaign from Labour who incredibly tried to turn it into a personality contest between the Gray man of Scottish politics and the charismatic Salmond.

It is worth noting that despite this being the worst result in terms of constituency seats for Labour since the 1931 election when they faced a ‘national coalition’ government, their share of the vote actually only decreased by 0.5% in the constituencies and 2.9% on the regional lists. A poor result yes, but hardly the seismic drop in support that a party with no policies, no personalities and no principles could have expected!

Any revival, which only the most optimistic SNP loyalists would rule out, can only come at the expense of the SNP and the independence movement.

This election result therefore is a once in a lifetime opportunity for the SNP not only to proceed towards independence, but to pursue a radical redistributive social agenda for the benefit of the great mass of the Scottish people – the working class.

Because despite the stunning result it also needs to be noted that increasingly Scots are turning their back on the electoral posturing between parties with little real difference between them. In working-class constituencies such as Maryhill in Glasgow turnout was down to only 34%, and across Scotland as a whole it was only 50%.

These lower turnouts have arisen from alienation from the political-economic system, particularly of working class youth. For a while the pro-independence Left had threatened to capitalise on this through the rise of the SSP. However this election has surely been the final nail in its coffin, and its offshoot Solidarity. This gives us no pleasure whatsoever, the loss of the SSP – despite its many faults - to the national liberation struggle, has left the forces of the working class in Scotland far weaker.

In particular we look at the situation here in the Highlands where in 2003 the SSP came within a few hundred votes of being elected on the regional list. Indeed the 0.96% of the vote Scargill’s SLP received in that election, despite having no branch or members in the Highlands was enough to prevent a Socialist going to Holyrood from the Highlands, and joining the other 6 elected from across Scotland. From those heights to 2011 when the SSP and Solidarity trailed in 13th & 14th on a List of 14, with 711 votes between them, both behind the SLP and BNP and various other nonentities. Indeed the SSP received fewer votes across all Scotland in 2011 than it did in the Highlands alone in 2003.

Where now for Independence?

We believe that the SNP now faces a fork in the road, to either use their majority to pursue an independence referendum, or placate the unionist parties and instead aim for “full fiscal autonomy” – “devolution max” or unionism by another name.

Calman – like devolution itself is a scheme by the Unionist parties to cement union. However it is already the stated aim of the SNP leadership to pursue greater powers for Holyrood in the Scotland Bill going through Westminster, the theory goes that when the Scottish people see how responsibly the SNP administers these powers then they will be in a position to pursue the referendum, which they claim will be in the second half of this parliament.

However whatever extra crumbs are grabbed from Westminster’s table they are not due to be implemented before 2015. Even *if* Westminster bows to SNP demands to speed up this process, they will logically have to give these powers time to be used, effectively ruling out a referendum this side of the next Scottish elections. How long do they need to be tested for? 2 years, 3, 5, 10? They cannot beg Westminster for greater powers and then turn around and launch an independence referendum in the immediate aftermath before these powers have been bedded in, particularly at a time when they are going out of their way to attract the support of leading Scottish capitalists, even those who remain lukewarm at best to independence. Capitalism after all likes “stability” - ‘if it ain’t broke don’t fix it.’

Salmond may be a wily old fox, but the British state has many centuries experience dealing with colonial revolts and independence movements.

Furthermore this strategy is entirely reliant on the assumption that in the midst of a global recession Scotland can avoid the worst excesses whilst control of the Scottish economy remains under the management of global imperialism. This is at best fanciful and not unlike Gordon Browns infamous quote that he had “abolished boom and bust economics.”

A central plank of this strategy is based on their ability to turn Scotland into a low corporate tax haven for multinationals, bodies that are not known for coming to countries with a strong trade union tradition and militant working-class movement.

Will the SNP get into a bidding war to ensure corporation tax is the lowest around further reducing the public purse and therefore public expenditure? This isn’t new; it is the economics of Reagan and Thatcher and many others before and since. It is the politics of globalisation and slavery

The notion that Scotland can stand apart from this recession – before assuming control over our resources - is real “Alec in wonderland” economics, however this is not just the future of the SNP at stake, this is an epoch making junction in the history of our nation – the SNP has been handed the responsibility of allowing the Scottish people the right to decide our own future, this it must do, and do immediately.

The referendum itself need not take place immediately, though such a prospect holds no fear for us, however the Bill for the Referendum should be pushed through Holyrood in order to sidestep Westminster deviations. The SNP must take total control over the situation and not be left dancing to Westminster’s tune. The Scottish electorate have shown to the Lib-Dems what they can do to those who abandon their principles in pursuit of power.

A Real Alternative

As socialist republicans we wish to see the maximum unity between the struggles for national and social freedom. We realise that we are not on the verge of creating the socialist republic however our strategy would see support for an independence referendum go hand in hand with the sort of redistributive social agenda that will inspire support for independence amongst the majority of Scottish working people.

An agenda which would see our land and resources recognised as the common property of all. An agenda which would exploit the vast resources of our nation - particularly our oil, gas and renewable sectors - collectively for the benefit of all, not shareholder s in London and New York.

An alternative which uses our wealth and resources to eradicate poverty, homelessness, ill health and all the other accompanying ill-effects of capitalism and imperialism, making the Scottish parliament a bulwark of resistance to Tory spending cuts. This is the sort of agenda which we believe would rally the people to the support of Independence.

History doesn’t happen passively. Class struggle has been driving force behind all human progress. The capitalist class in Scotland, long the most active opponents of self-determination, is now trying to shape an independent Scotland in its own image.

It is up to the progressive forces amongst republicans, socialists, left nationalists and others to prevent this happening. It will also fall upon these forces to be prepared to defend the independence movement from any external aggression.

The Orange Order has already threatened to take up arms to prevent Scottish independence. The BNP have effectively offered their services as British state stormtroopers in defence of the Union. The section of extreme sectarian loyalists who send letter bombs to people wearing Celtic tops will not think twice about targeting those working to end the Union.

We support the call being made for a militant socialist republican body prepared, if necessary, not just to ensure an anti-imperialist agenda for the independence movement but to defend working class communities from the reactionary forces of loyalism and fascism.

Independence Yes!
Workers Republic Yes!
http://saorsa.weebly.com/2011-election-statement.html

Dublin Protest Against Imperialism

2011-05-13T13:20:00.000-05:00

Irish Freedom Camp
Establishment of éirígí's Irish Freedom Camp, in opposition to the
visit of British head of state Elizabeth Windsor. Sunday 15th May.
Garden of Remembrance, Parnell Sqaure, Dublin, 3pm.

March on Dublin Castle
Protest against the banquet for Elizabeth Windsor in Dublin Castle,
organised by éirígí. Wednesday 18th May. Assemble at St Catherine's
church, Thomas Street, Dublin, at 5.30pm.

Saor Éire

2011-05-04T07:55:00.001-05:00

Saor Éire

They think they have bought half of us off with the withdrawal of the
British garrison in Ireland to barracks and fooled the rest of us with
with the consumer fetishism of living for handbags and rarified
sparkling water. However the fools with their Stormont expense
accounts and corporate funding slush funds hadn’t realised that they
have left us armed with something far more dangerous than any bullet
or any ounce. The historical legacy and political ideas of James
Connolly should act as a guide to the actions that republicans and
socialists should be engaged in. On Saturday May 7th in the Dublin
éirígí has organised a gathering where the way forward for the
national liberation and class struggles in Ireland today can be teased
out. ‘Saor Éire’ in the 1930’s was central to the project of
radicalising a generation of activists and it is fitting then that it
will today be the title for a gathering which hopes over the coming
years to achieve the same end.

'Saor Éire - A gathering for socialists and republicans'

Venue- Ashling Hotel(across from Heuston Station)
Date- Saturday May 7th

The purpose of the gathering is to open debate on topics which have
dominated the struggle for Independence and Socialism in Ireland in
the past year as well as to have discussion

10am- The resources of Ireland for the people of Ireland? The giveaway
of Irish natural and the struggle to reclaim them. Speakers include
Pat O'Donnell, Maura Harrington and a rep from Dublin Shell to Sea.
11am- 'James Connolly- Idol or Ideologue for Irish Republicans'.
Speakers - Aindriais O’Cathasaigh (Author) and Dr Brian Kelly
(Lecturer QUB). A discussion on whether Irish Republicans only see
James Connolly in terms of his involvement in the 1916 Rising or
seriously use his writings and actions over his lifetime as a guide to
their political commitments.
12 Noon- Fightback against EU/IMF inspired cutbacks. Speakers include
éirígí's Daithí Mac An Mháistír, Pepe Gutierrez from LASC and a
speaker from the trade union movement.
1pm- Lunch
1.30pm- No Queen Here! Among others Brian Leeson of éirígí and Roger
Cole of PANA will take part in a discussion on the imminent arrival of
the commander of British military on a state visit to Ireland and how
this visit needs to be resisted.
3.30- James Connolly Commemoration

Vote for change in Celtic Lands

2011-05-04T04:59:00.005-05:00

Tomorrow voters go to the Polls in Scotland and North of Ireland.

In Scotland I urge readers to cast their vote for the Scottish National Party (SNP) and in North of Ireland for the IRSP in local elections.

As Scottish Republicans we should be aware that there is no parliamentary route to socialism. In other countries People Power has brought about incredible change through resistance. Parliamentary representative democracy has bred many opportunists in Western or European nations.

In N.Ireland Stormont is a British parliament and can never truely represent the best interests of the Irish while under British rule.

In Scotland Holyrood represents a nation with limited devolved powers. A country Scotland crying out for constitutional change needing adequately funded public services.

It is time to vote for change in Scotland and Ireland. The unionists do not want change for the Celtic nations. They represent a failure while they hold us hostage to British rule.

Tomorrow vote IRSP in Ireland for local elections and SNP in Scotland for better Government and Scottish or Irish Freedom.
Larry

Programme of Scottish Events

2011-03-10T05:29:00.001-06:00

Scotland Alert semi public meeting Saturday March 26. 2 - 5 pm
Smith Museum lecture theatre, Stirling,
Registration 1.30pm.Tea & sanndwiches
Topic Union 1707, or forced marriage.
Speakers
Michael Donnelly. "United Scotsmen"
Donald Anderson. "Forced Marriage 1707".
Dr Jas D Young. "Union 1707".

Bus leaving Gordon Street, Central Station 12. pm

Annual Declaration of Arbroath Rally
Sunday 3pm April 2.
Kings Gate to behind Abbey.
Scoriach. Westport Bar next to Railway Station £5. Children Free.
Groups: White Rose. Fiery Jack, Ed Christopher
Bus from Glasgow 10.15 am, North Frederick St, George Square. £15.
Children free.

Annual MacLean Rally,
Gather, Eastwood Cemetery for oration. 1 pm. Sun. May 8
1.15 pm for; corner Boydstone Rd and Thornliebank Rd,
Netherauldhouse Rd, Auldhouse Rd, to Cairn, Shawbridge Arcade.
Dismiss to Shawbridge Tavern for speakers and Scoriach.
Group 'Makinadin'
£5. Children Free.

Annual Bannockburn Rally
Saturday June 25
1.30 pm from 1320 INN, next to Heritge Centre.
March to Rotunda.
Help need with stall.
Need to know if it is wrth laying a bus on.

1820 evets
1. Bonnymuir Saturday 9th. April 2011 at 2pm. for 2.30pm.

2. Strathaven Saturday 28th. May 2011 at 12 noon for 12.30pm.

3. Woodside Saturday 13th. August 2011 at 11.30am. for 12 noon.

4. Sighthill Sunday 11th. September 2011 at 2pm. for 2.30pm.

5. Sighthill 'DOORS OPEN DAY' Sunday 18th. September at 2pm.

Date for Diary "March For Scotland" cancelled

2011-02-18T00:41:00.004-06:00

A date for the diary:

Saturday 9th April

I’m urging all those with Scottish Nationalist leanings to march the streets of Edinburgh with my fellow kilted comrades. And, to those of you with a socialist and or a republican persuasion – I urge you to unite against the new Thatcherism regime. Conservatives have no mandate here.

There is another way – control of our natural resources – an eradication of extreme poverty and inequality – shout it loud and proud - Independence for Scotland.

See facebook page for details:

http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1807399681#!/pages/March-For-Scotland/154964501214868

Thanks

Kev

Andrew canceled March For Scotland - April 9th.

Andrew says, "Since the march committee decided to cancel the demonstration, nobody has stepped forward to assist with management. With April 9th now only a few weeks away, and with attendance figures still low, it seems unlikely that a new committee could be organised in time to produce an event worthy of the cause. Sincerest apologies to all those who have supported the march this far, and best of luck to any who attempt to organise their own."

Thanks,
The Facebook Team

Scottish Events Update

2011-02-02T01:02:00.002-06:00

Jim Mitchell (1820 . SNP , Scottish Republican) funeral, Paisley. 9.15 am Paisley Town Hall. 11 am Woodside Cemetery, Paisley.

Glencoe Rally. Saturday February 12
Bus from North Hanover St, George Square, Glasgow. 10.15 pm.
Tickets £15 Children Free.
Rally Glencoe Car Park 1.15 pm
March to monument and back/
Bus leaves for Balloch.
Lomond Park Hotel.
Scoriach £5. Children Free.
Ted Christopher.

Scotland Alert semi public meeting
Saturday March 26. 2 - 5 pm
Smith Museum lecture theatre, Stirling,
Topic Union 1707 or forced marriage.
Speakers
Michael Donnelly. "United Scotsmen"
Donald Anderson. "Forced Marriage 1707".
Dr Jas D Young.

Annual Declaration of Arbroath Rally
Sunday 3pm April 2.
Kings Gate to behind Abbey.
Scoriach. Westport Bar next to Railway Station £5
Groups: White Rose. Fiery Jack
Bus from Glasgow 10.15 pm N Hanover St.

Annual MacLean Rally,
Gather, Eastwood Cemetery for oration. 1 pm. Sun. May 8
1.15 pm for corner Boydstone Rd and Thornliebank Rd,
Netherauldhouse Rd, Auldhouse Rd, to Cairn, Shawbridge Arcade.
Dismiss to Shawbridge Tavern for speakers and Scoriach.
Group and speakers to be announced. (Ted Christopher not sure of his US dates yet).
£5.

Scottish Support for Political Prisoners

2011-01-16T10:01:00.001-06:00

Benefit on Saturday 22 January, 7.30pm in a Gallowgate pub
Music from Ciaran Murphy, JP Hanlon and Vol Patricia Black flute band
More info from..
ssfpp@hotmail.co.uk

Glasgow Bloody Sunday Commemoration

2011-01-15T08:24:00.002-06:00

BLOODY SUNDAY COMMEMORATION

SUNDAY 23rd JANUARY 2011

ASSEMBLE

9.45 am

SHAMROCK STREET,

GLASGOW CITY CENTRE

SPEAKERS IN ATTENDANCE

ALL WELCOME

Organised by the West Of Scotland Band Alliance

IRSP Alba/Scotland supporters encouraged to attend

http://irspscotland.wordpress.com/2011/01/15/glasgow-bloody-sunday-comemoration/

Communist Party of Scotland Meeting

2011-01-11T07:03:00.001-06:00

Communist Party of Scotland.
Meeeting this Sunday (16 Jan), 1.30pm in Argyle Room, Premier Inn, Argyle Street, Glasgow.
To plan forthcoming activities.

Also just to let you know that the CPS can now be contacted via Jean Muir, House 01, 112 Shawbridge Street, Glasgow G43 1LY. Membership is £10/5.. They are very keen to get new members...they are relatively few in number but still remain very active and play a positive role in the struggle for Scottish independence.

About the CPS

The Communist Party of Scotland (CPS), also known as Pàrtaidh Co-Mhaoineach na h-Alba, was established in 1991 when the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was disbanded and re-formed as the Democratic Left think-tank. Many Communists in Scotland disagreed with this decision and instead set up the CPS, with its headquarters in Partick, Glasgow. Some 280 former members of the CPGB in Scotland joined the new party including Mick McGahey, who was a leading member of the National Union of Mineworkers in the 1970s and 1980s. Former CPGB General Secretary Gordon McLennan is also associated with the party.

The current national secretary of the CPS is Eric Canning. The CPS has fought no parliamentary elections, but has been supporting the Scottish Socialist Party in recent times. The CPS does not feature much on the Scottish political landscape, but they do continue to sponsor a councillor, William Clarke, in Fife. Annual membership is £10 waged and £5 unwaged.

They support Scottish independence and Eric Canning is honorary convenor of the Independence First (IF) movement which is campaigning for a referendum on Scottish independence

SRSM Ard Fheis

2010-12-28T09:26:00.003-06:00

I have received a message on Facebook with the details below.

The SRSM Ard Fheis is due to take place on Saturday 8th January 2011 to be held in Glasgow.

http://scottishrepublicans.myfreeforum.org

SRSM Events

2010-12-14T04:32:00.006-06:00

Here is a couple of photos from the recently held John MacLean Commemoration. The Scottish Republican Socialist Newsletter pays tribute to the great work of SRSM in helping to keep the spirit alive of John MacLean in Scotland.

I have also included below details of an email I was sent concerning the SRSM Burns Night.

Donald Anderson of SRSM speaking at Social after MacLean commemoration.

SRSM North England branch banner at the MacLean Commemoration.

Scottish Republican Socialist Movement have organised a Burns Night

We are having a Burns Night on Friday January 28 in the Victoria Bar, corner of Brigade/Stockwell St Glasgow.

Music: White Rose group.

Cockaleekie Soup, Haggis, Champit Totties and Neeps.
Tickets £10

Patrick Scott Hogg will be speaking, plus others, incluiding CPS.

Wallace Sword in Captivity

2010-12-07T07:55:00.004-06:00

On 2 May 1972, the Wallace sword was stolen from the National Wallace Monument by members of the Tartan Army or Army for the Provisional Government of Scotland. Shown here are two members of it, wearing balaclavas, holding the sword, and with a Saltire, the flag of Scotland in the background.

This is one of two polaroid photographic images which were sold at different gatherings from the time of the theft of the sword until its return some years afterwards. The immediate reason for the theft of the sword was the poor condition in which the National Wallace Monument was maintained, with restricted opening hours, poor access and winter closure, and a lack of promotion which kept the visitor figures low. Those who took the sword did so in an attempt to draw attention to these factors. The sword was removed from the Monument by forcing open the case, and dropping it through one of the narrow air slots which pierce the Monument's stair tower. The sword fell vertically and plunged into the earth beneath, reverberating from side to side with the impact. There was no damage.

Arrests were made in May 1976 for the theft of the sword, the use of explosive devices, and other illegal military activity, and after a trial in September one man received a five year sentence, others were given probation, and the majority of the accused were released.
http://scottishrepublicans.myfreeforum.org/Wallace_Sword_in_Captivity_about797.html
Also check out other photos on the SRSM website such as John MacLean's grave
http://scottishrepublicans.myfreeforum.org/John_MacLeans_Grave_about773.html
Other photos
http://scottishrepublicans.myfreeforum.org/forum17.php

We are a nation. We decide for ourselves!

2010-12-06T14:06:00.004-06:00

Had to post this here a Catalan film for Independence on Bella Caledonia
http://bellacaledonia.org.uk/2010/12/06/la-flama-de-tot-un-poble-in-moviment/

Well we must learn from each other and other stateless nations and be cool and imaginative over our progressive propaganda on film and communication and in our writings online, and in journals. We can make most from our own culture and learn to be attractive compared to the ugliness of British nationalism and it's unionists.
Larry

Stunning or what? As it is a campaign film for independence, I am going to have to ask you to put your hand on your heart and compare it with the Scottish National Party campaign film which is currently showing at that party’s website. If you had to say which is more captivating and highly absorbing, which would it be? Be honest. There is no contest, I venture to suggest. Regrettably, the SNP video seems to me to be in comparison a not conspicuously successful attempt to be both cool and inclusive.

Populated by more or less seemingly isolated and stiffly artificial characters affecting to be inspired by a more or less culturally alien sort of pop song which, however popular it may or may not be with a certain age group, certainly lacks trans-generational appeal and seems to represent nothing so much as a peculiarly perverse rejection of native culture. The Catalan film, on the other hand, is boldly authentic, richly symbolic and evocative, full of communal interconnectedness and emphatically and wholly convincingly real people who are tremendously easy to relate to. It is generationally inclusive and contemporary while asserting cultural identity and inherited and indeed cherished cultural tradition. It is a presentation and a demonstration of an inclusive national community working together, whereas the Scottish effort is a relatively feeble representation of not so much a convincing reality as an aspiration which is not shown to be well founded.

What the masterful Catalan demonstration of how the medium can be the message shows, on the other hand, is a popular art form known as a lip dub, which, as you are probably aware, although I was not until recently, is a kind of happening which does not, of course, simply happen. It has to be organized rather carefully, and the more people who are involved in it the more carefully organized it plainly has to be. Yet the end result is meant to give an impression that a degree of spontaneity is involved. A whole bunch of folk are assembled to mime to and in some imaginative manner communally perform a recorded song and have quite a lot of fun while doing so. In the Lip Dub for Catalan Independence shown above no fewer than 5,771 people (a world record) were brought together to mime to and perform a popular Catalan song, La Flama (The Flame), by the group Obrint Pas (Breaking Through), as part of the independentist election campaign for the recent parliamentary general election in the autonomous community of Catalonia in the north-east of the Castilian kingdom of Spain. This historic election took place on November 28th and was duly won by Catalan nationalists. An account of the election result, to which, unsurprisingly, not much attention has been paid by the UK media (out of fear of contagion?) appears at Newsnet here.

The song La Flama was chosen for this campaign event because the flame which is its subject and hence the theme of the lip dub is the flame of national sentiment which somehow did not die out in Catalonia after that country lost its independence when it was defeated at the siege of Barcelona in 1714 during the War of the Spanish Succession. As Catalan is a Romance language and thus relatively approachable, here are the lyrics:

No et limites a contemplar aquestes hores que ara venen
baixa al carrer i participa,
no podran res davant un poble unit alegre i combatiu.

Amb l’espurna de la historia,
i avançant a pas valent,
hem ences dins la memoria,
la flama d’un sentiment.

Viure sempre corrent,
avançant amb la gent,
rellevant contra el vent,
tranportant sentiments.
Viure mantenint viva
la flama a través del temps,
la flama de tot un poble en moviment.(bis)

Amb columnes de paraules,
i travessant la llarga nit,
hem fet de valls, mars i muntanyes,
els escenaris d’un nou crit.
Viure sempre corrent,
avançant amb la gent,
rellevant contra el vent,
tranportant sentiments.

Viure mantenint viva
la flama a través del temps,
la flama de tot un poble en moviment.(bis)

A rough translation into English appears here.

La flama a través del temps, la flama de tot un poble en moviment (the flame kept alive down the ages, the spirit of a nation on the move) is what is represented in the lip dub, which opens at a point in the distant past, from where the flame of national sentiment is snatched by a modern-day Catalan youth and transported through time, through the ancient narrow streets of the town of Vic, past representations of Catalan history and culture, including the traditional building of human castles, which is apparently very popular and is a televised sport, past the giants and the bigheads and the flag-waving and the brandishing of gigantic symbols, a Catalan peccadillo which is noticeably reflected in the Catalan-designed Scottish Parliament building. The flame passes through the generations to the present one, the representative of which ultimately carries it into the present day by bringing it into the main square of Vic, holding the flame aloft before a vast cheering crowd, which is brandishing more Catalan flags than you can wave a stick at and chanting “I-inde-independència!” (a very common chant in Catalonia these days), as a line of people at the back are gradually seen to be holding up large white letters of the alphabet forming the word independència, whereupon the song comes to an end and a rendition of Els Segadors (The Reapers), the Catalan national anthem, erupts. Banners are waved. The people cheer, and giants and bigheads representing Catalonia’s past are discerned in the midst of the throng, which fills the square, which is the heart of the town, just as the flame of national sentiment is the spirit of the people, which is overflowing.

The Lip Dub for Independence is a self-evidently powerful demonstration of national solidarity intended to reach out to the world to let it know that Catalonia has survived as a nation despite Castilian efforts to suppress it and oppress it. Furthermore, it is becoming more assertive. Soon its new government will take over in Barcelona, and demands for greater autonomy will be made by an administration which could hold an independence referendum if they are not met, a referendum the result of which will be foreshadowed by the result of the unofficial locality-by-locality people’s independence referendum which reaches its climax in Barcelona on April 10th, in time to astonish the world and alarm Madrid and possibly even grab the attention of the Scottish electorate as it gets ready to vote in the Scottish general election of May 5th, when the UK government’s AV referendum may, of course, just possibly be hijacked, as recommended by . . . Bella Caledonia, to assert the inalienable right of the people to determine the constitutional future of their country, as the people of Catalonia have done by taking matters into their own hands. As they say there, and keep repeating, in very loud piercing voices, “Som una nació. Nosaltres decidim!” (We are a nation. We decide for ourselves!)

In preparation for the Scottish general election, and the hijacked referendum, Scotland needs a campaign event and a campaign film as powerful as the Lip Dub for Independence, which to date has been viewed about 885,000 times since it was uploaded to YouTube on October 27th. Not as sensational as Susan Boyle perhaps, but not bad. Not bad at all, and the whole of Catalonia is still talking about it (as indeed am I), in between flag waving and building human castles and the like. Maybe Bella’s referendum idea could attract enough support for it to be comparable to the unofficial Catalonian independence referendum? Perhaps a lip dub to publicize both it and the cause of Scottish independence could be organized. Maybe even more than one, as has happened in Catalonia? Cross-fertilization of superbly subversive ideas between sub-state nations is precisely what the Establishment does not want.

That is precisely why we should do it. Visca Catalunya. Visca Catalunya lliure! Saor Alba!’

The campaign for Artistic Freedom!

2010-12-04T10:00:00.003-06:00

The campaign for Scottish Freedom is likely to take many forms in the near future. This requires many of us to operate openly and others more discreetly or even in secret. Why? Because there are many laws in this country that even prohibit handy artwork and unionists that cringe when faced with someones artistic craftsmanship.

This weblog would like to pay tribute to the artistic work and new website of the Scottish Patriots.

Links to other activists who support the campaign for Scottish Freedom:
http://www.scottishpatriotsne.org/21.html
Suas Le Alba! (up with Scotland!)
Larry

Open letter to Scottish Independence Movement

2010-12-03T08:33:00.002-06:00

Firstly I hope the lads and lassies in Siol do not mind me displaying one of their photos here.

Secondly would like to make clear in my latest post on Scottish Republic that I urge the people behind Bella Caledonia to lobby the SNP for support.

I see the Bella Caledonia protest as harmless and significant but I think they should also bring the SNP and whole of the Scottish Independence Movement with them and not protest simply in isolation or merely online.

As for new Irish beginnings in Scotland and comrades in IRSP Alba, they are Irish Republican Socialists that deserve support for their efforts. However when and should the Irish or Scots Irish groupings give support to Scottish Republicans, I think they should be open to accept advice from Scots, and work with the good offices of the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement (SRSM).

And let me say only support for the SNP will bring about a vote for change and to move towards freedom and independence, particularly in the first instance. As for the Scottish Independence Movement they will all have to understand the importance of unity against a formidable unionist enemy. This goes for all nationalist groupings and movements in Scotland. We have to avoid splits and divisions that weaken the Spirit of Freedom.

We will break the confidence of the unionist enemy in good time. The phoenix will rise in Scotland and we should prepare for coming battles.

However we must respect our fellow Irish and learn the lessons of struggle by constitutional means or otherwise. The spirit of our national hero John MacLean is as strong as James Connolly was for Ireland.

As for others on the left, the Scottish Socialist Party may claim to be pro-independence but they undermine the efforts of left wing nationalists like myself with their attacks on the SNP and desire for rainbow flags and politics. The message from Republican Socialists such as myself is loud and clear put Scottish independence to the top of your political agenda and entrench such in your constitution. This also applies to my former comrades in Solidarity.

I can write more on my blog about the need to support the SNP and the useful valuable work of Scottish Republicans such as SRSM and how we all need to work together.

From the distinctive band of patriots in nationalist groupings up an down the country we will not weaken in the harder times that face Scotland. I mean the cuts to public services, and a large cut in the so called budget from London, in which we would not be asked to depend on if we were free.

Until Alba gets her independence I echo the SNP in calling for full fiscal autonomy.

As for Scottish Republic it is a weblog that will follow the progress of the inevitable destruction of unionism, and the desire to defeat loyalty to all things described as British in this Scottish Nation.

The Scots behind banners such as "End London Rule" should be respected as they represent the beginning of freedom like a drop of water to a river that runs free.

I wish to say if Scottish patriots want to link up with this weblog and stand up as a force for unity you are very welcome. All nationalists are hereby invited to post their views here. Contact details are redlarry1962@googlemail.com and prepare some questions that you would like to answer here. Names of organisations are welcome as names of individuals are not necessarily important.

All private correspondence will be treated in the strictest of confidence and respect.

Yours For Scotland
Larry
Independent Republican Socialist

Workers Republic no.1 Winter 2010

2010-11-30T14:46:00.002-06:00

http://irspscotland.wordpress.com/2010/11/30/workers-republic-no-1-winter-2010/

Christmas drive for Republican Socialist POWs

2010-11-27T13:09:00.004-06:00

Christmas drive for Republican Socialist POWs

http://irspscotland.wordpress.com/2010/11/21/christmas-drive-for-republican-socialist-pows/

Below we print a request from Teach na Fáilte requesting support for IRSM prisoners both financially and materially through book donations, or even sending a xmas card. All expressions of support are always welcome.

The IRSP Alba/Scotland Support Group will be playing our part to support the prisoners and would encourage you to do likewise. All donations gratefully received.

**********************************************************************************************

Teach na Fáilte
Republican Socialist Ex-Prisoners Support Group
Costello House
392 Falls Road
BT12 6DH
Belfast

A Chara,

As I’m sure you are aware there are a number of Republican Socialist prisoners incarcerated in prisons throughout Ireland at this point in time. Some are serving lengthly sentences and are incarcarated many miles from their homes so they would be glad of your support especially around the festive season.

As the festive season is approaching I was wondering if you or any of your family, friends or comrades would be interested in sponsoring one of our prisoners or even sending them a Christmas card at this time.

In relation to sponsoring a prisoner you can send your correspondence directly to me at the address below. If you would prefer to send cards etc to me I will see that they get it or you can send cards directly to the prisoners themselves.

Anything that you choose to do would be greatly appreciated by the prisoners themselves as it would let them know that there are people still thinking about them

Fundraising efforts have also begun in many areas and we ask you to continue to support these.

Thank you for your time and effort

Gerard Murray.

—————————————————————

GERARD MURRAY
TEACH NA FAILTE
392 FALLS ROAD
BT12 6D BELFAST
IRELAND
gerardm042000@yahoo.com

E4 Landing
Portlaoise Prison
Portlaoise, Co Laois
Ireland

DENIS DWYER
PAUL KELLY
EUGENE KELLY
EOGHAN CLAIL
GERARD MACKIN
THOMAS KELLY
PADDY WALL
NOEL MOONEY
JONATHAN KEOGH
GERARD KELLEGHER
NEIL MYLES
ANTHONY LEE
GARETH BYRNE

The Grove
Castlerea Prison
Castlerea, Co Roscommon
Ireland

EDDIE MC GARRIGLE
JOHNNY MC CROSSAN

Roe 4
Maghaberry Prison
Old Road
Ballinderry Upper
Lisburn, Co. Antrim BT 28 2PT
North of Ireland

SEAN CARLIN

(Not all of the above named political prisoners are necessarily facing charges relating to RSM activities but for one reason or another they now find themselves on the INLA wing.)

St Andrews Day Rally 2010

2010-11-18T06:52:00.002-06:00

March will assemble on the Esplanade at 4pm, march off 4:30 down the Mile led by the Stockbridge Pipe Band as always. Speakers - outside the Parliament building. Night-time entertainment

Bands are Ted Christopher, Fiery Jack and Albannach

hall is
Lodge Trafalgar
1 St Anthony Street Leith

FREE Eddie McGarrigle

2010-11-17T12:50:00.001-06:00

FREE Eddie McGarrigle
Posted on IPSC November 2, 2010 at 10:36:16 AM by IPSC (American Branch)

(Note: Eddie's mother has recently died, so any cards or letters would be greatly appreciated)

FREE Eddie Mcgarrigle!
The forgotten victims of the Troubles
(by Suzanne Breen, Sunday Tribune)
(Excerpt)
Eddie McGarrigle, 40, ex-INLA member

It was raining and he was running – big, long strides – to open the back door so his girlfriend wouldn't have to hang outside getting wet. She was a real looker, a former Miss Strabane. They'd been walking home from a date when the heavens opened. He gave her his coat, before darting ahead.

The gunman was waiting in the doorway. Eighteen-year-old Eddie McGarrigle saw a figure in the darkness point what looked like a rifle at him but he couldn't take it in. Thinking a friend was "acting the eejit", he shouted "f**k off!'. When he realised, it was too late. He started to run away but the gunman shot him in the back.

"I crawled along the street, calling him a bastard. My girlfriend arrived and started screaming. I thought I was dying. I told the ambulance driver not to tell my mother." McGarrigle lost consciousness and woke up, three days later, in hospital. "Nobody ever told me I was paralysed from the waist down – I just sort of found out."

Twenty-two years on, it's hard catching up with him. One evening, he's playing basketball "and I'm not stopping when I'm winning!" Next, he's on a hunger-strike march in the Bogside. Then, he's out with his dog, Troy. Never mind the raft of First Communions, odd for a self-proclaimed Marxist.

But McGarrigle confounds stereotypes. When he was an INLA prisoner in Long Kesh, comrades who didn't know him, presumed he'd been shot by the security forces. They didn't realise it was his own organisation, the INLA, which had put him in a wheelchair.

He became an "active republican" during the hunger-strike. In 1983, a woman told him a man had sexually abused her daughter. Another INLA member warned the man McGarrigle was asking questions. The man stole an IRA gun, shot McGarrigle, and the INLA claimed responsibility.

The man was later convicted of sex abuse. The INLA apologised to McGarrigle. "It was hard but I accepted the apology. The INLA had been in disarray at the time. I wasn't about to change my politics because I personally had a rough deal.

"The Brits were my enemy. I wouldn't be distracted from that. I'd loved sport. I was a big lad, 6"1. I was Tyrone boxing champion, I played hand-ball, I ran cross-country. All that stopped but self-pity is a waste of time. Too many people in the Troubles wrapped victimhood around themselves. I was just glad to be alive."

Out of hospital, the security forces "tortured" him. "I was arrested every few weeks. They thought the wheelchair was my weak spot. They'd sing 'You'll never walk alone' at me. They'd stop my car and open the boot and bonnet, knowing I'd struggle to get out and close them, and then they'd walk off.

"One day, the Brits demanded I get out of the car and open the bonnet. I refused. I told them I'd give them five minutes if they genuinely wanted to search the car, otherwise I was off. They stood laughing at me. So when the five minutes were up, I just started the car and drove at them." McGarrigle was convicted of knocking down a soldier.

For legal reasons, the extent of his "republican socialist activities" can't be disclosed: "I'm not saying I was Dan Breen but I played a full and active role. I wasn't restricted to sitting at home planning things. In terms of disability, the INLA was an equal opportunities employer."

Being a paraplegic didn't destroy his personal life: "I pushed my girlfriend away emotionally because I reckoned everybody thought, 'He'll have to marry her. He won't get anybody else now'. But I didn't love her and wouldn't have married her anyway. I'd no trouble getting women. I'd be on the dance floor, wheelchair spinning – though now I'm older, they'd have to forcibly push me out there!"

In 1990, McGarrigle was arrested following the attempted murder of a UDR man. "At night, the cops carried me to the cell bed. But, on the last three nights, one cop abused me, talking about the need to "cook you vegetables". I wouldn't let him touch me. I sat in the wheelchair, three days and nights. I fainted during interrogation.

"The doctor told me to say I was unfit for questioning. I refused. That would have been crying for special treatment. I was convicted of conspiracy to murder. I should have got 10 years but the judge took a year off because I was in a wheelchair. I was raging at the old c**t for making a big deal about that."

Belfast's Victorian Crumlin Road jail was an inhospitable place. "They held me in the cell for infected diseases, the only cell wide enough to take a wheelchair. It was 24-hour lock-up, solitary confinement.

"The toilet and shower room wasn't wide enough either. They said they'd carry me into it. I refused so for two years I'd no washing facilities and a newspaper on top of the bed became my toilet. It was hard. I wrote poetry about drowning and coming up for air. After the Crum, Long Kesh was heaven – a modern building and all on the flat!"

McGarrigle supports the ceasefire but is anti-Belfast Agreement. "The war's over; republicans lost. Adams and McGuinness settled for what could have been achieved in 1974."

He's married with two children, Liam, 9, and six-week old Paiti. "I can't play football with Liam so I take him to see Celtic instead. I don't want to burden him with politics. He thinks I fell off a motorbike. My wife's a special person. She says I'm softer and more compassionate than most men. I'm the best vacuum cleaner in Strabane. Anything like putting up shelves, or cutting the grass, her brother does."

McGarrigle met disabled ex-security force members during treatment in the spinal unit. "On a human level, I feel for them, but we've nothing in common. The reality is I'd have put them in a wheelchair, and they'd have put me in a wheelchair if they'd had the chance. It was a war. We were on different sides."

He never fought his disability, "just tried to get on with life" as best he could. Sometimes, though, things are different: "When I'm dreaming, whatever I'm doing, I'm never in a wheelchair."

Eddie Mcgarrigle: political prisoner !
By iskra1916

An Irish Republican Socialist Party member, Mr Eddie McGarrigle is today beginning a 3 year prison prison term in grim Portlaoise prison based entirely on the "opinion evidence" of a secret policeman!

This was not Burma or Tibet but Ireland in the year 2010 !

Outrageously there exists in Irish law a peice of so-called 'emergency legislation' which allows the 'opinion' of a member of Ireland's political police to effectively convict a person he suspects of being a member of a proscribed organisation. In effect due process does not exist & any semblance of a 'trial' is a mere formality! If this were happening in Tibet or Burma there would be celebrities lining up to support a campaign against this outrage but because this is in a Western country the chattering classes are deafeningly silent!

Mr McGarrigle who hails from Strabane in the North-West of Ireland would have been sentenced earlier with other accused but he had been extremely ill with an infection following a broken leg which coupled with the fact that he is confined to a wheelchair resulted in him being held on strict House-Arrest for 11 months prior to sentencing!

It is worth noting that despite having a disability Mr McGarrigle has been an active campaigner for the rights of Irish political prisoners held in British & Irish gaols and has been a tireless worker on issues effecting the Irish working-class including conflict resolution in the North of Ireland.

Portlaoise prison is a grim antiquated Victorian-era prison with no interior sanitation in the Irish midlands that is ill-equipped for the needs of able-bodied prisoners let alone a wheelchair-bound person! (Who would have thought that a prison which was built conforming to Utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham's Panopticon design would still be holding prisoners in the 21st Century!)

Ironically, the "proscribed organisation" that it was the secret policeman's "opinion" Mr McGarrigle belonged to, reportedly no longer exists! There is no doubt that there has been an outrage committed today when an activist can be imprisoned entirely on the word of a Special branch spook & it remains to be seen whether this piece of archaic draconian legislation will be rightfully thrown into the dustbin of history as an affront to modernity.

Meanwhile Mr McGarrigle's young family will be struggling to come to terms with the fact that their Daddy has been taken away from them for 3 years & held in the most grim conditions miles from home soley based on the opinion of a secret policeman!

If you are concerned about the plight of Mr McGarrigle or would like to show your solidarity or support it would be advised to contact Teach na Failte which campaigns on behalf of Republican Socialist prisoners.

His Address:
Castlerea Prison,
The Grove, Castlerea town,
Co Roscommon,
Ireland

SRSM set up N.England Branch

2010-11-01T09:14:00.004-05:00

The website of the Scottish Socialist Freedom Group welcomes the formation of an N.England Branch of SRSM

Launch of Scottish Republican publication - Spairn

2010-11-01T08:20:00.005-05:00

The new Scottish Republican organisation "Saorsa" have launched their publication on the web according to their website.

It will be interesting to see if they can add anything meaningful to the struggle for a Scottish Republic. If so then their existence should be welcomed.

This weblog will however recognise the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement (SRSM) as the main organisation to struggle for a Workers Republic. The SRSM have recently expanded with a new N.England branch.

Below is taken from the Saorsa website

Launch of Scottish Republican publication - Spairn

31 October 2010

Saorsa is pleased to announce the launch of Spairn, a web-based Scottish republican publication. Whilst the decision to launch the publication has been taken by members of Saorsa it is our objective to provide in Spairn an open-forum whereby all strands of republicanism in Scotland can organise and debate in a fraternal manner.

By our reckoning there are eight Scottish Republican organisations of varying size and activity, plus many other individuals in other organisations or none, most notably the SNP.

We believe that there are around the same number of Irish Republican organisations active in Scotland who likewise support the establishment of an independent Scottish Republic as part of a wider strategy against British Imperialism.

Whilst recognising that in some cases long-standing political and personal differences will continue to exist - we believe that it is in the interests of the wider progressive working-class movement in Scotland that common-ground be found and built upon between these groups, to work together, where possible, in a spirit of mutual co-operation and respect.

We hope that through Spairn we can play a role in this objective and accordingly place Spairn at the disposal of the wider, progressive republican and socialist community in Scotland.

The Future

It is our hope that if Spairn is to be a useful tool for Republican politics that it can, over time, become a means for bringing some form basic unity around a set of common demands such as;

Establishment of an Independent Scottish Republic
Support for a Unified 32-County Irish Republic
Opposition to all manifestations of British Imperialism.

However we also hold to the position of the Edinburgh-born revolutionary James Connolly that the struggles for national and social freedom are inseparable, and paraphrase him that; “The cause of labour is the cause of Scotland, the cause of Scotland is the cause of labour. They cannot be dissevered.”

In the face of the Capitalist banking crisis, services being slashed and 100,000 public sector job losses in Scotland republican politics must also, in our opinion, be immersed in community politics, empowering working-class communities and building a campaign of resistance to Imperialism from the bottom-up.

Given that the Socialist Left in Scotland is about to engage in the worst round of sectarian bloodletting for many years this will become an even greater necessity for progressive republican politics.

However such matters are for the times ahead. We hope to show our commitment to these goals through our actions. In the meantime we welcome all submissions to Spairn be they articles, notices or reports of events/ rallies and so on.

Remember it is YOUR paper. Please use it.

Spairn – (A’ Ghaidhlig – Struggle)

SAORSA - FOUNDING STATEMENT

2010-10-30T13:09:00.004-05:00

A new republican grouping has emerged in Scotland so I publish their founding statement below:

SAORSA - FOUNDING STATEMENT

Saorsa is a SCOTTISH REPUBLICAN organisation.

However, the Republic we envisage does not mean simply rejecting
Britain’s feudal crown and Union. An “independent” Scotland
established on this basis will still be governed by British
Imperialism and its ally, Scottish capitalism.

Under capitalist rule society has been divided into two classes
with opposing interests; on the one side, the great mass of people
who create everything of value – the wealth producing class; and,
on the other, those few who control the wealth and power - the
ruling class.

This ‘contradiction’ not only robs the workers of the true value of
their labour, but it is central to the maintenance of the neo-
Imperialist system. Taking our place in the global ANTI-IMPERIALIST
struggle we recognise that we cannot talk of a 'free Scotland'
whilst we leave this conflict untouched.

For this reason Republicanism must mean WORKERS’ REPUBLICANISM.
Only by uniting the NATIONAL LIBERATION struggle of the Scottish
people with the workers’ struggle for SOCIALISM will we 'free
Scotland'.

In Scotland today the Government, police, army and other tools of
the British state exist to defend the power of the few. We believe
the time is ripe to overthrow these conditions and establish the
rule of the majority, in a Republic based on the principles of
collective ownership and mutual solidarity. A Republic whose land
and resources are under the democratic control of the people, for
the benefit of all. Such a Republic can only be won through a
campaign of resistance, direct action & REVOLUTION!

Suas an Poblachd Shoisealach na h-Alba!

Victory to the Working Class!

*******************************

http://saorsa.weebly.com/founding-statement.html

The AGM of the 1820 Society

2010-10-12T12:58:00.000-05:00

1820 Society AGM
The AGM of the 1820 Society...is on Sunday 31 October, 2pm at Partick Burgh Hall, Burgh Hall Street, Glasgow G11 (near Partick Rail and Subway Stations).

HUNGER STRIKE PROTEST OVER BOUNDARY CHANGES

2010-10-12T05:37:00.002-05:00

NEWS FROM THE CELTIC LEAGUE

HUNGER STRIKE PROTEST OVER BOUNDARY CHANGES

Celtic League Branch Secretary, Michael Chappell, embarked on a hunger strike at the weekend over government plans to create a cross border parliamentary constituencies between Cornwall and Devon.

Mr Chappell announced his intention at 10am on Sunday morning (10/10/10) ahead of a rally in Essa/Saltash in protest over the possibility of forming at least one new constituency that straddles Cornwall's historic border. The rally attracted an estimated 500 people to listen to speakers from across the political spectrum and representatives of none, speaking out against the government proposal that the Mayor of Saltash said will "ignore the right to self determination of half a million Cornish people."

Mayor Adam Killeya, who has spearheaded the cross party `Keep Cornwall Whole' group and was the first speaker at the rally, said that the plans to produce 75 000-voter strong constituencies while ignoring the Cornish border was to take "an arbitrary equation and use it to replace a thousand years of feeling." Mayor Killeya added:
"Nationalist or not, Cornish or not, surely all supporters of democracy and freedom believe in the right to have identity recognised and protected."

Speakers at the rally included the Grand Bard of the Cornish Gorsedh, Members of Parliament, representatives of various political parties and the Chairwoman of Cornwall Council. Speakers pointed out that they wanted the Cornish border to be respected like the borders of Wales and Scotland are under the proposal and for an amendment to be included in the current Bill that takes into consideration Cornwall's distinct identity.

Writing in the `Western Morning News' newspaper last week, Mebyon Kernow – the Party for Cornwall (MK) leader Dick Cole, wrote:
"The legislation ignores what I would personally describe as Cornwall's nationhood, its Celtic identity, history and culture, as well as its unique geography as a peninsula bounded by the Tamar River and its special constitutional position."

MK also launched a petition last week calling for the Westminster Government to "to protect the integrity of Cornwall's historic border and guarantee that Cornwall is represented by MPs whose constituencies are wholly within Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly."

Amendments to the Bill to protect Cornwall's integrity have been tabled by representatives of all three of the main political parties, namely Andrew George for the Liberal Democrats, Sheryll Murray for the Conservatives and Harriet Harman, Peter Hain and Jack Straw for the Labour Party. The Bill will be further discussed at the House of Commons today (12/10/10) and over a three day period next week.

Yesterday a report by the Political and Constitutional reform Committee in the House of Commons criticized government ministers for rushing through the legislation.

In a letter to George Eustice MP after the rally, Mike Chappell wrote:

"I had the distinct pleasure of being among the hundreds who attended the Keep Cornwall Whole Rally in Saltash on 10th October, 2010, a cross party event designed to tell Cameron & Clegg (aka 'The Axis of Evil') that we shall not stand idly by in Kernow whilst our thousand year old border is ignored by a distant and uncaring Westminster Parliament.

You might be interested to know that so determined am I over this issue, that at 10am on 10 October 2010 I commenced a hunger strike and am prepared to go the whole way. I shall not eat until this outrageous proposal is withdrawn.

Destroy our border with England - over my dead body.

Please tell that to Mr Cameron and Mr Clegg who have failed to respond to three of my letters thus far."

Supporters of Mr Chappell can write to kernow@celticleague .net
Links:

Celtic league TV
http://www.youtube.com/user/celticleaguetv

Keep Cornwall Whole
http://keepcornwallwhole.org/

This article prepared for Celtic News by Rhisiart Tal-e-bot General Secretary Celtic League. For follow-up comment or clarification contact:

Tel: 0044 (0)1209315884
M: 0044(0)7787318666
rhisiart.talebot@ gmail.com
gensec@celticleague .net

J B Moffatt (Mr)
Director of Information
Celtic League

12/10/10

The Celtic League has branches in the six Celtic Countries. It works
to promote cooperation between these countries and campaigns on a
broad range of political, cultural and environmental matters. It highlights
human rights abuse, monitors all military activity and focuses on
socio-economic issues.

TEL (UK)01624 877918 MOBILE (UK)07624 491609

Internet site at:

http://celticleague.net
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/celtic_league/

Keep Cornwall Whole

2010-10-08T13:23:00.002-05:00

http://keepcornwallwhole.org

Under the Tamar Bridge, Saltash, Sunday 10th October, 2010. Keep Cornwall Whole will be holding a ‘Respect the Tamar’ rally on 10th October
in Saltash. This will follow a 2 day parade along the Cornish border arriving in Saltash by boat at 2pm.

Keep Cornwall Whole is organising a weekend – 8-10th October- to encourage people to show that, in Cornwall, we are determined to ‘Keep Cornwall Whole’.

Saturday 9th October

The Keep Cornwall Whole coast-to-coast parade through Cornwall’s border communities.

9.30am – Morwenstow – The Bush Inn ( The Bush Inn has a long history of providing hospitality dating back to 950AD)

11am Bude Triangle, Bude – Reception by the Mayor of Bude

1pm Launceston Square – Reception by the Mayor of Launceston

3pm reception in Callington

Please come along, and bring your flags !

Sunday 10th October, RESPECT THE TAMAR Rally

2pm, Jubilee Green, Saltash

Preceded by 1.15-2pm boat crossing of the Tamar from Saltash to Devon,
and back to Saltash, accompanied by a variety of Cornish boats.

Speakers.
Cllr Adam Killeya, Mayor Of Saltash and Cllr Edward Andrews, Mayor of Torpoint
Cllr Mrs Pat Harvey, Chairman of Cornwall Council
Steve Gilbert MP, Liberal Democrat Member for St Austell and Newquay
Sheryll Murray MP, Conservative Member for SE Cornwall
Jennifer Forbes, Vice-Chair of Cornish Labour Party
Cllr Roger Creagh-Osborne, Cornish Green Party
Trevor Cornwall MEP UKIP Member for the South West
Mick Paynter, Grand Bard of the Cornish Gorseth
Liberal Democrat MP
Cllr Andrew Long, Mebyon Kernow, Cornwall Council

Please come and please spread the word!

The more people we get the better the chance we have of Keeping Saltash Cornish and Keeping Cornwall Whole!

TRANSPORT DETAILS
Parking will be available at Alexandra Square (0.3miles) or Upper or Lower Belle Vue (0.6m) Saltash, with a walk down the hill.

A train will arrive in Saltash at 13.52, leaving Penzance at 12.00.

A coach will leave Penzance > Hayle > Camborne on Sunday morning (time to be confirmed). Cost £8 return. To book places please contact
info@keepcornwallwhole.org

Seamus Costello (from the Red Plough)

2010-10-08T12:55:00.004-05:00

Editorial

SEAMUS COSTELLO REMEMBERED.

The Red Plough is re-publishing the following documents and speeches first published in the Plough. Although there is some repetition we consider it worth while as contained within these documents are the key elements that define republican socialism and also shows the correct analysis of the so called peace processes that have ultimately stabilised British rule in Ireland. The first speech was delivered before a very small group of IRSP members from Dublin at the graveside of Seamus Costello as the Republican Socialist movement sought in the mid 1990’s to re-establish the Costello commemoration as an important part of the political calendar. That aim has been well achieved as the ideas of Costello are once again seen as relevant to republicans. The analysis contained in these documents are the result of the collective efforts of the leaderships of the Republican Socialist Movement. They are as relevant today as they were then.

The 1997 speech

Comrades,

We gather here to play homage to Seamus Costello, radical revolutionary republican socialist. In the modern Ireland we live in there will be many who do not know the story of Seamus Costello, many not aware of the role Seamus played in modernizing republicanism in his time.

Seamus was the main driving force behind the politics of Republican Socialism from the early sixties until his murder twenty years ago in October 1977. He showed the way forward for the republican movement; no movement that deserts the people, ignores the current realities and refuses to acknowledge the economic needs of the working class deserves to exist. Seamus played a major part in convincing many in the mainstream republican movement that the time for clichés, flags and faded memories of old men was long past.

If Irish republicanism has played a progressive role in Irish society it is because of its ability to renew itself in each generation and become relevant to the lives of the people from which it had sprung. Seamus Costello was a catalyst in renewing the republican tradition in the later part of the 20th century. He pointed the way by standing for elections taking his seat, playing a full part in the community he came from while never forgetting the crime of partition. A full blooded socialist Seamus saw a role for an army of the people prepared to both defend the interests of the working class whilst also prepared to challenge imperialism and its hold over the whole of Irish society.

It was for this latter reason that the Official Republican Movement, which Seamus had stayed with after the emergence of the Provos because of its more formal commitment to socialism, expelled him after first suspending him in 1973 and trying to isolate him. His dismissal formalized the differences between the reformists and the revolutionaries.

The sad pathetic decline of the reformists in what became the Workers Party is just reward for their betrayal of their own principles. In pursuit of an illusionary unite between unionist workers and nationalist workers the 'Sticks' "took the Queens shilling" and stood all they believed in on its head.

A recent breakaway from the Workers Party might persuade some that there is some socialist hope still there. Be not fooled. How can the new sticks have any credibility when they performed a counter revolutionary role for years? They are an historical irrelevance.

Seamus took the revolutionaries with him. He went on to found the Irish Republican Socialist Party and to protect it went on to build the INLA.
Around the slogan relevant to that time, "For National Liberation and Socialism" the Republican Socialist Movement was launched. Many of the best revolutionaries of the day flocked to the banner of the IRPS.

They were attracted by the words of Seamus,
"We must make no secret of the fact that we’re a Revolutionary Socialist Party, prepared to give leadership on the streets and in the elected chambers. We stand for the unity of the anti-imperialist struggle and the class struggle. We must involve the masses in issues that effect them".

In words that perhaps some here in the light of subsequent Republican history might find surprising, he wrote, when advocating a broad front policy,

"We recognize the absolute necessity of securing a constitutional solution to the present crisis which will allow the Irish working class the freedom to pursue their interests as a class in the context of the development of normal class politics. In our view the first step in securing a constitutional solution which meets this requirement must be for Britain to concede the right of the Irish people to exercise total sovereignty over their own affairs"

Seamus went on to work passionately for what he believed in. He led the defence of the party against the activities of the heavy Gang in the Garda who did all they could to smash the movement. He co-coordinated the defence of the movement against the armed assault of the Officials. He organized a major anti-imperialist conference at the Spa Hotel Lucan. And he worked day and night to build the Republican Socialist Movement

His assassination on the direct orders of the political leadership of the Workers Party was a body blow to the movement and to the cause then of anti-imperialist unity.

It was said of Seamus

"They will have to shoot him or jail him or get out of his way but they certainly wont` stop him. Costello the revolutionary Marxist socialist whose ambition is a secular, pluralist united Socialist Republic won’t go away until he gets it"

Unfortunately for us comrades, they shot him. So died a former Adj. General, Chief of Staff, Director of Operations I.R.A. Vice President of Sinn Fein, and Director of Operations and Chief of Staff, in the INLA. He died a member of Wicklow County Council, County Wicklow Committee of Agriculture, Eastern Regional Development Committee, Bray Urban District Council, Bray branch of the I.T.G.W.U. Bray and District Trades Union Council, the Cualann Historical Society and Chairman of the IRSP.

This was a man! He lived life to the full and his allegiance was always and only to the working class. Would that we had 10 people like him today.

Subsequently our movement without the guiding leadership of Seamus was riven by disputes informers and infiltrated by anti-socialists. A long hard struggle, costing the lives of some of our best comrades, including Ta Power and Gino Gallagher, has won back the movement to its original goals, socialism and the liberation of the working class.

But while we are aware of what we want to achieve do we know how to go about achieving it? No party or movement can rest on its laurels, or past record, sing the old songs, call itself socialist or revolutionary and expect the working class to flock to its banner. Comrades throw away the old certainties. This is not the sixties or seventies, the state socialist projects have collapsed, capitalism unfettered is rampant and the road ahead is long hard and arduous if a belief in socialism is to be reborn in the working class.

Our movement to be relevant it must update its republican socialism. Too close a concentration on the national question and an unquestioning approach to the nature of Imperialism in Ireland has distorted and held back the struggle for socialism in Ireland and also incidentally is the antithesis of the approach that Seamus would have taken.

From this platform today, may I appeal to all those who define themselves as Republican Socialists or as Connolly Socialists do as Seamus did, get involved in the day to day activities of the class.
Don’t sit and bemoan lost opportunities, and past tragic days, and comrades long gone jailed or dead.

Don’t be the old -dreaming dreams of lost opportunities. Seize the time now and become active again, not for the glory but for the class. Everyone has something to contribute no matter how small. Participate in your union branch, join or set up a community group in your area to organize people, protest, agitate organize.

You don’t need a party card to be angry nor to contribute to the building of discontent with the system. But to beat the system you do need comrades. From this platform we appeal to all genuine republican socialists, participate in the fight back. You do have something to offer.
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Look around at the society we actually live in and I defy you not to be angry at the injustice and inequality and not have the wish to change things. Rezoning scandals, passports for sale scandals politicians with links with drug barons are all but symptoms of a rotten system.

The jails are full and 56% of prisoners in Mountjoy come from 6 pockets of deprived areas of Dublin. While the banks and other financial institutions ride the Celtic tiger, a 150 babies are born to drug abusers in Dublin. The medical services and the back up social services for them are totally inadequate as it is for most working class people. Landlords bully and intimidate tenants and only a few are called to account. In the building trade employers refuse to enforce the existing inadequate safety standards and already nine workers have died this year on building sites.

Meanwhile back in the Dail it now emerges that the lily-white Labour party is up to their neck in justifying selling passports for £1 million. So much for ethics high standards in public life. Has Dick Spring ever thought about trying socialist measures for establishing jobs and keeping people in employment?

The sideshow of the presidential election should not fool anyone into thinking that all is well in the Irish Republic. It is not. It is true that the rich do well, as do many sections of the middle classes but inequality is growing and more and more people particularly single parents and old people find themselves on the margins of society, forgotten, voiceless, powerless.

Who shall speak for them if not us? No movement in Ireland understands better than us the feeling of isolation. We have been deliberately excluded from many forums, from fighting elections, and maligned consistently in the media with lies falsehood and slander.

Since the emergence of the peace process in the past five years attempts have been made by both British intelligence and mainstream republicans to denigrate, marginalise or destroy the Republican Socialist Movement.

These attempts were not made because this was a warmongering mad dog organization, (which it is not, nor ever was, no matter what the O`Reilly or Murdock media print). No, attempts were made to destroy us because we as socialist republicans were able to identify the flaws of the peace process and articulate a clear political position of opposition to that process.

Let me repeat here today what we have said consistently, the peace process is fatally flawed, and will not produce a final settlement.
We believe that there is not the political will to tackle the fundamental wrongs of the northern state.

Will the British government tackle the thorny questions of the northern judiciary and the R.U.C.?

The chair of a Sub committee on International Human Rights of the U.S.A.`s House of Representatives, Chris Smith, is quoted as saying about the heads of the judiciary, Robert Carswell and the Head of the R.U.C.

"Both men remain in a state of denial, refusing to admit that human rights abuses take place in their agencies."

Will the Brits tackle this? We think not. Will the nationalists next summer be freed from intimidation, fear, house burning from loyalist mobs while the RUC stand and watch? We think not. Will in five years time the level of employment for nationalist and unionists be the same? We think not? Constitutional tinkering with the northern state will not eradicate its fundamentally sectarian nature. It has to go.

Our party is calling for the establishment of a Republican Forum where republicans and socialists of all hues can dialogue together to map out a way forward for the future, in the tradition of Seamus Costello’s call for a broad front and building anti-imperialist unity. We believe from the socialist perspective this is the only way to go. The talks at Stormont are not the way to remove the burdens of sectarianism, discrimination and oppression from the northern nationalists.

However this movement will not do or encourage anyone else to do any actions designed to throw us all back into full-scale armed conflict. As socialists we understand only to well how working class communities suffer during armed conflict. We commend the decision by the INLA to move to a position of defence and retaliation and endorse its no first strike policy.

Such a movement was always in line with the founder of the army’s vision of an army of the people for with and of the people, not separate above and fighting for the people as militarist elites would have.

Agencies of many kinds have approached the leadership of the IRSP requesting them to encourage the INLA to call a full ceasefire. The leadership has listened patiently to these requests and is not immune to argument, reason and good judgment.

We have encouraged not only the leadership of the INLA to consider all requests but also the rank and file. It was made clear to the leadership of the I.R.SP any change in the current position by that organization will be solely on the basis of the interests of the Northern nationalist working class. No offer of a place at the table, nor respectability, nor trips to Washington, nor the Dail, will influence that decision.

Comrades, Seamus Costello was a modernizer in the sixties and seventies. He made a difference. Today he would be the same, modernizing, up to date, radical republican and socialist.

Let us follow that example of Seamus Costello. Stand with the marginalized, the downtrodden the victims, the poor, all who are voiceless in the modern Ireland. Strive for equality, solidarity, working class unity, human rights and justice for all. Let us rebuild the socialist vision so that we renew in the Irish working class a vision of socialism as

" The heart of a heartless world"
GR

Seamus Costello 25th Anniversary speech

Comrades, friends socialists, republicans. I have been given the honour to speak on behalf of the organisations that Seamus Costello founded. That is, for me, a great honour and one that I hope I can adequately fill.

I know that others will speak of Seamus the man and of their memories of him. My own memories include a fierce argument with Seamus in 1969, 33 years ago, in downtown Belfast on the merits of radicalising the civil rights struggle. Needless to say history proved Seamus right.

Seamus’s experience, his farsightedness, his political acumen his leadership skills were all lost not only to the republican socialist movement when he was assassinated but lost to the people of Ireland. The loss of such an outstanding leader damaged our movement but it also removed from the scene a workers leader who I believe would never have allowed the class question to be isolated and then removed from the struggle for national independence.

The Good Friday Agreement has benefited the middle classes not the working classes As we predicted when the Good Friday Agreement was signed, sectarianism has not only been institutionalised it has spread like wildfire.

This movement took the extremely difficult decision to recognise that the will of the Irish people was for the implementation of the GFA and for peace. We acted accordingly and the INLA cease-fire has been as solid as any. We have respected the wishes of the Irish people. We now call on the Irish Government to respect their own Good Friday Agreement and immediately release the last remaining prisoners to qualify for release under the Good Friday Agreement, Dessie O¹Hare.

Today there is a neo-liberal economic agenda at work and it has been accepted almost totally by all the mainstream parties both north and south. Republicans in Government in the Stormont Assembly introduced public private partnerships that by all the available evidence are bad for the public sector.

The privatisation of public utilities is an utter disgrace, an attack on social ownership and a worship of the worst excesses of capitalism. The Fianna Fail/ Progressive Democrats are doing the same while the left sits and fumes impotently.

However it ills becomes a member of the Republican Socialist Movement to engage on verbal criticisms of other socialists and republicans if we have not removed the mote from our own eyes. There is no better time, nor no better place than within sight of the grave of our founder, Seamus Costello to acknowledge our errors and faults.

This movement lost sight of the goals of our founders. We swayed from mindless militancy to irrelevant political posturing. We failed to learn the lessons of history and repeated them. In place of socialist theory and strategy we elevated action to the fore and in the process lost the idealism and politics that had originally motivated the movement. We for a time lost sight of the importance of the class issue in the national struggle. Consequently without a firm ideological base we floundered, betrayed our ideals and lost many good comrades. It’s no wonder that in the past comrades walked away, disillusioned and demoralised with the movement. We gave the media and our political enemies the opportunity to portray our movement as a feuding failing and futile organisation.

Our failure was in essence a failure of leadership. At the grave of the greatest leader of the republican left since James Connolly that is a hard, harsh but necessary thing to say.

But if collectively we failed individually we had many fine comrades and volunteers who kept the flame of Republican Socialism alive. I need only mention a few names Miriam Daly, Ronnie Bunting, Noel Little, Ta Power and Gino Gallagher to make the point. Other names can’t be mentioned here but I particularly want to here mention and praise the staff and Volunteers of the INLA, whose discipline and defence of nationalist areas in particular over the past summer was in the best traditions of republican socialism. Daily in those areas violence continues unabated as the poison of sectarianism enflames working class areas.

The INLA has been active in defence of those working class areas. That poses no threat to any ceasefire or threatens anyone except sectarian and racist bigots. When the police and the forces of the state turn a blind eye to sectarian attacks is it any wonder that republicans have to take to the streets to defend areas from sectarian attacks. Seamus Costello’s vision of an army of the people is as relevant today as it was the early seventies and is implemented on the streets of Belfast. Those republicans in front line working class communities neither by word or deed will heighten or enflame sectarian tensions. That was not the way of Connolly Mellows or any other Republican Socialist. It is not our way.

Time and circumstances change. The rank and file of this movement under Gino Gallagher’s leadership took back control of the movement and reasserted the primacy of politics. The leadership of this movement is committed to collective leadership and full consultation with the membership and to developing and expanding republican socialist ideas in the working class movement.

However no movement deserves to continue to exist if it is only concerned with its own history it’s own problems and its own dreams. It is now time for Republican Socialists to turn towards the mass organisations of the working class if we are to influence the future. It is what Seamus did and it is what we now need to do. If this movement cannot attract the most class-conscious members of the working class to its banner then, it will be judged by its own standards, a failure.

Today as we come to the slow ending of the armed conflict that has engulfed us all over the last three generations it is time to re-affirm our first principles. Why did they who died for a Republic think they were doing?

Was it for an abstract freedom? for glory? for the freedom to exploit others? for the copper fastening of partition? for the restoration of Stormont? For a capitalist Ireland?

It was for the right of you and me and all citizens born on or living on this island to have political economic and social freedom in a Republic that really did cherish all the children of the nation equally. That is the Socialist Republic.

Our Movement is made up of ordinary men and women, who live ordinary lives but who want, what is considered extraordinary today, the right to live in a Republic that is democratic inclusive and based on socialist principles. Our political life in Ireland has become so dumb-downed that a Photo opportunity means more than a political Manifesto, idealism or beliefs.

Who today stands by the Republic of Connolly? It is those ordinary men and women, who are, whether in the INLA, the IRSP, fighting in the prison camps for political status, standing on picket line, taking strike action, involved in mass action and in day to day trade union activity, in community and tenant associations fighting the drug barons and the armed criminals and trying every day to alleviate the hardships of working class life- they are the real defenders of the Republic. Not for them the easy allure of the Yankee dollar. Just the ongoing republican struggle for a socialist Ireland

Friends and Comrades, we know what side of the barricades we stand on. It is on the side of the oppressed, the exploited, the marginalized and the derided. Where ever in the world there is resistance to Imperialism we are in solidarity with the resisters. We make no apology for our anti-imperialism.

Last week in Belfast a fitting memorial was erected to the memories of Ronnie Bunting and Noel Little and like today it was good to see old friends and old comrades who have been to the forefront of radical political struggle in Ireland for more than thirty years.

I am reminded of one critic of Marx who said that he had-

'Founded no lasting political party, had led no successful or unsuccessful revolution had produced no major finished work that amounted to a systematic exposition of the critique of capitalist civilisation to which he intended to devote his life and a six volume work. Yet his thought was to shake the world."

“Yet his thought was to shake the world.” Think of that. Three weeks ago I had a conversation with a working class member of the PUP, who when he heard I was an ERP made a point of coming up to me and telling me that he had been greatly influenced into politics by reading the early ideas of the Official IRA and the writings of Seamus Costello!!

Seamus was man both of his time and ahead of it. Seamus Costello was a republican, a socialist, an Internationalist and a leader. He was and is an inspiration. He left a political party, the IRSP, and an army the INLA and he left a political set of ideas that still have a relevance to the people today. The movement is still in existence, a survivor of three decades of conflict in spite of all that was thrown at us.

We stand here today a to affirm that republican socialism is still moving forward in struggle today. We have restored the ideas of Connolly, Mellows, and Costello to the forefront of our thinking. As we look around us today we represent hundreds of years of collective experience of radical, principled struggle. It was from the likes of Seamus Costello in particular we learned the principles of Republican Socialism.

Surely it is not beyond us to delve deep into our collective experience and emerge re-invigorated, re-energised and recommitted to advancing the cause of republican socialism in Ireland.

Let us today no matter who we are when we walk away from this graveside, re-commit ourselves to the liberation of the working class, to the establishment of the republic and to the raising of the class struggle in every area of struggle we can.
G.R.

2004 Commemoration

Friends and Comrades

Once more we gather to pay homage to Seamus Costello, republican, socialist, revolutionary. Seamus in life was a giant of a man politically. He stood out among his contemporaries for his belief, energy ideas and charisma. In death he stands out for us as an icon, a hero to emulate and a leader to mourn.

As founder member of the IRSP and the INLA he played his part in ensuring that the authentic ideas of republican socialism would endure. The ideas of Connolly and Mellows, the radical tradition of the Republican Congress, the more progressive ideas of the republican movement were all encapsulated in the person of Seamus Costello.

But in paying tribute to Seamus we do not make the mistake of mindless hero-worshipping. Irish republicanism has played a progressive role in Irish society because of its ability to renew itself in each generation and become relevant to the lives of the people from which it had sprung. Seamus Costello was a catalyst in renewing the republican tradition in the later part of the 20th century. Seamus played a major part in convincing many in the mainstream republican movement that the time for clichés, flags and faded memories of old men was long past. He pointed the way by standing for elections taking his seat, playing a full part in the community he came from while never forgetting the national question and the crime of partition. Seamus saw a role for an army of the people prepared to both defend the interests of the working class whilst also prepared to challenge imperialism and its hold over the whole of Irish society.

That is what we must learn from the leadership of Seamus: the ability to adapt to renew and to avoid becoming stuck in the old ways. After all the world he lived has all but disappeared. The Soviet bloc no longer exists, there is only one super-power, the officials have become irrelevant while the Provos of the seventies are but a distant memory and dreams of the year of victory have become replaced with that radical revolutionary cry- implement the Good Friday agreement!! Those who claimed to have smashed the old Stormont now want to rebuild it and look forward to working in a coaliation with the party of Paisley. So much for the strategy of fragmenting unionism. I wonder what Seamus would have made of it all?

Internally he would have been disappointed at the way his movement lost its way in the aftermath of his death particularly in the eighties and earlier nineties. Since 1995 we have painfully examined our past failures held our hands up to past mistakes and have taken this movement back to the ideals, ideas and beliefs that first motivated Seamus and his fellow comrades to set up this movement. We have tried to instil confidence, self-respect, loyalty to the movement and a fundamental belief in the primacy of politics. These attribute go to the very heart of our ideology. Confidence in the class, self respect for our values of socialism, loyalty to our own movement but not uncritical loyalty, and of course the primacy of politics.

But Seamus would not have been satisfied with just that. There is so much more to be done. A huge emphasis must be placed by the incoming leadership of this movement on political education on activity, on discipline, on democracy and on being revolutionary agitators. The days of the loud mouth in the pub are gone. The days of using this movement as a flag of convenience for personal gain are gone. The days of bullying working class youth are gone. The days of policing working class communities are gone.

Those things were never on the agenda of the Republican Socialist movement but unfortunately some scum floated towards the top of this movement in the past aided by the British. Their day is done. Republican socialists must be servants not masters of the working class. That’s what we are about; taking the message of liberation, of class struggle of republicanism to the vast majority of people on this island. Externally I have no doubt that Seamus would have continued to be anti-imperialist and socialist and republican. Seamus had beliefs. Not interests.

Seamus’s advocacy of the Broad Front was premised on the belief that the coming together of radical and progressive forces was in the interests of the Irish working class. Not for him or any republican that adhered to Connolly Socialism a reactionary alliance with the most conservative forces in Irish Society.

For how else can you categorise the pan Nationalist Front of Sinn Fein (Provisional) the SDLP and the coaliation of Fianna Fail and the Progressive Democrats; an alliance with the every people who demonised republicans, who split with gold the republican movement, who supported the most repressive laws against republicans, who framed our comrades over the Sallins affair and persistently and consistently demonise this movement?

What republican in the tradition of Tone can accept an agreement that reduces the anti-imperialist conflict of over two centuries to a sordid little sectarian war between two “communities” for by signing the GFA the signatories accepted the internal conflict argument that British Imperialism had been promoting for years; that the conflict in Ireland was religious. Good Friday Agreement has led to increased sectarianism as the working classes are pressured into identifying with the two sectarian blocs. Partition has been solidified.

We reject the notion that there are two separate divided communities. Republican socialists reject the two-community approach. There is one community and a divided working class and while elements of that self same working class clash those who benefit from the divisions of the working class pocket their profits and come July jet of to quieter and sunnier climates.

Was that what the conflict was about? That is no victory, nor indeed an honourable draw. That was a crushing defeat for the progressive forces in Ireland. Was it for this that men and women sacrificed the best years of their lives in struggle in prison in exile and in death?

Is it not time to call a halt to the endless round of talks about talks about talks especially when the two main groups cannot even meet in the same room?

What kind of Government can work when the leading partners don’t even talk to each other? And in relation to parliamentarianism Seamus had it right when he said,

“Before the Republican Movement can achieve power, we must succeed in breaking the confidence of the people in the existing Parliamentary institutions, and I would suggest that this should be one of the main functions of our T.D.s. They should also be full time Revolutionary Organisers in their own areas, thereby demonstrating to the people who elected them the fundamental difference between ourselves and the other parties.”

Don’t misunderstand what we are saying. The IRSP with the full support of the INLA are in favour of dialogue. We emphatically re-state that armed struggle is not the way forward today. That road may lead somewhere but most assuredly not to the Republic. Yes dialogue is possible. But not with those who think we are lesser human beings. Why should republicans seek to be talked to by right wing bigots of the DUP? They don’t represent the real interests of any section of the working class. Lets reach out to the working class on the basis of principled political positions not for temporary expediency.

Seamus Costello a man before his time pointed the way forward, and I quote,

"We maintain that any co-operation with the Protestant working class must be on the basis of a principled political position. It must be on the basis of explaining fully to the Protestant working class what all our policies are. We must try and politicize them, simultaneously with conducting a political campaign to get rid of Britain”

There is no permanent solution possible that envisages the continued existence of the sectarian six county state. Those who pretend otherwise fool not only others but themselves.

Unless and until the six county state is either totally abolished or totally transformed, sectarianism will dominate politics here and the Imperialist can continue to present our conflict as a religious struggle. Well my friends it is not. It is a political conflict against the imperialist imposition of foreign rule on any part of this island.

Similarly the conflict in Iraq is not about fundamentalist Muslim terrorism but about the Imperialist exploitation of the resources of Iraq. Those who are against that war should have a simple clearly understood slogan for the British and USA invaders=Out of Iraq-out of Ireland. Any other position ignores the reality of the naked brutal power of Imperialism and lets them of the hook.

To those on the left who merely raise the slogan Stop the War catch yourselves on. It is only by a consistent and principled opposition to all forms of Imperialism that wars can be ended. The bounden duty of the left is not to patronise liberal opinion with platitudes but to stand by the anti-imperialist fighters and extend critical support to progressive anti-imperialist fighters. And it that offends the liberal classes well, tough.

No body, especially not an administration of Brits, whose hands are covered with the blood of thousands of innocent Iraqis, has the right to call republicans, who oppose their claim to rule this island, criminals. We are not and we never have been terrorists.

Seamus Costello was a freedom fighter, patriot anti-imperialist and socialist. So it is only right to express our full solidarity with current Republican political prisoners in Maghaberry and re-iterate our call for the immediate release of Desi O’Hare and the other qualifying Republican prisoners arising from the Belfast agreement. We make no distinction between different republican groupings when it comes to solidarity with republican prisoners.

Do not forget there would be no republican prisoners in gaols if there was a final settlement to the national question. And so long as the national question is unsettled then so will there be republicans who will wage a struggle to establish a republic on the island for all the people of the island. But Comrades while we right emphasise the-so called bigger picture of the political dispensation we must never forget the day to day struggles of working people. We need to take the ideals of socialism out of the realms of discussion and manifestos and elections and make it directly relevant to our underprivileged communities. Poor health low wages substandard housing class based education services, crime and anti social behaviour are neither republican nor loyalist, catholic or protestant, North or South, six or 26 county issues. They are class issues and affect us all W e need to arouse in our class the spirit of fraternity. That’s the way to take on the symptoms of neo-liberal capitalism, sectarianism, racism, sexism, homophobia, anti-social behaviour, alienation, poverty, drug abuse and self-destruction.

A real movement built on the values of fraternity solidarity co-operation and democracy will crumble away these barriers to freedom in Ireland. Our movement to be relevant it must update its republican socialism. Too close a concentration on the national question and an unquestioning approach to the nature of Imperialism in Ireland has distorted and held back the struggle for socialism in Ireland and also incidentally is the antithesis of the approach that Seamus would have taken.

From this platform today, may I appeal to all those progressive republicans, Republican Socialists or Connolly Socialists to do as Seamus did, get involved in the day-to-day activities of the class.
It’s fine and useful to reminisce about the past-to write the histories to tell the tales of past heroic deeds but comrades it does not challenge the future.

These are glorious days to be alive and see the stirrings of class struggle in the world. There is a growing anti imperialism worldwide, Iraq, Nepal, the Philippines, Pakistan, India, Venezuela, Bolivia and the former Stalinist states the working class is moving into battle. Now ask how you can aid this struggle. Everyone has something to contribute no matter how small. Participate in your union branch, join or set up a community group in your area to organize people, protest, agitate organize. Remember to beat the system you do need comrades. From this platform we appeal to all genuine republican socialists
Look around at the world we actually live in and I defy you not to be angry at the injustice and inequality and not have the wish to change things. There are enough resources in our world to feed and clothe everyone. Yet every day thousands die from disease famine and hunger. Why because of capitalism.

W e have called in the past for the convening of a Republican Forum where republicans and socialists of all hues can dialogue together to map out a way forward for the future. That’s in the tradition of Seamus Costello’s call for a broad front and building anti-imperialist unity. But we recognise that many on the left think they can go it alone and don’t need to relate to any section of the Republican left.

It will be part of our task to persuade not only the left but also the working class, by the things we do, by the actions we take, by the examples we set, by the calibre of the comrades we attract to our banner of the Starry Plough that there is merit in working together.
For comrades many people still harbour illusions that Sinn Fein in Government North and South can make a difference to the social and economic conditions in this country. They cannot. They will not. At best they may put a more human face on capitalism but it will still be capitalism and that ‘s a system that exploits, brutalises and also is destroying the world. It itself needs to be destroyed –not reformed.

Let us follow that example of Seamus Costello. Stand with the marginalized, the downtrodden the victims, the poor, all who are voiceless in the modern Ireland. Strive for equality, solidarity, working class unity, human rights and justice for all. Let us daily work towards the socialist republic. In the end that’s the only fitting memorial to all our dead comrades, Seamus included.

Comrades there is much work to be done. Lets do it.
Thank you.
G.R. Ard Comhairle Member

Seamus Costello Commemoration Speech 2006

At the largest Costello Commemoration in many years the following speech was delivered by former POW and member of the Ard Comhairle of the IRSP Martin McMonagle.

Friends and comrades,

We once more gather to pay homage to the founder of our movement, Seamus Costello. Seamus did not suffer fools gladly, No leader can afford to be weak and weak is not a word to associate with Seamus Costello. He was strong in his beliefs, strong in his convictions, strong in his commitment to the revolutionary road to the Socialist Republic. He was a 24 hour a day man, working openly politically to advance the interests of the working class while secretly organising recruiting and arming a revolutionary army that he saw as the only way to wrestle control of this country from the parasites and vultures of imperialism. He was also a thinker and a doer, a combination that everyone who aspires to be called a Republican Socialist should aim for
Of course in the intervening years from Seamus’s cruel assassination by the enemies of the working class, Ireland north and south has changed. The once mighty USSR has collapsed and the policies associated with its state socialism have been discredited. By the start of the 1990’s socialism seemed doomed as the gains of the 1917 Bolshevik revolution all but disappeared.

Many walked away from struggle believing the propaganda that Capitalism had triumphed. Just as in Seamus’s day, some republicans began to want to do a deal with Imperialism and now just as in the seventies ended up sucked into doing the work of the Imperialists.

Our own movement, which had been in slow, decline following the removal of our charismatic founder and leader was all but finished in the early nineties. We had then an apolitical leadership that had only contempt for the politics of Costello and the movement. Fortunately we had rank and file members still committed to the ideals of republican socialism and leaders like Gino Gallagher who began the mammoth task of turning the movement around. Central to that task was the merging of theory and action, the putting into practice of Collective Leadership and the Primacy of Politics as outlined by Ta Power.

The task begun in 1994 is far from complete. We lost Gino murdered by British elements. We made mistakes sometimes elevating individuals who were only interested in their own egos into positions of authority. But we have learned from those mistakes and of course in building up revolutionary organisations one needs to remember that it is inevitable mistakes will be made. There is no such thing as a pure revolution. There is no guidebook to advise how to change the world- only the experiences that the working class movement worldwide has accumulated in trying to wrestle power from capitalism.

We have tried to learn from those experiences especially the experiences of the working class in Ireland. In the interests of that class the INLA declared its ceasefire. Despite provocations, despite British agents, despite the rise in sectarian attacks our leadership has maintained that ceasefire because we are convinced that is the correct revolutionary position at this moment in time. Comrades and to all republicans out there we say as clearly as we can, “ the war is over”

Revolution is a serious business. It can only occur when the mass of people see the need for change. Individual actions divorced from the interests of the class are at best futile and at worst sheer adventurism. At this juncture in time what is needed is maturity, commitment, and hard, hard political work. There are no short cuts and are task is to convince people of the relevancy of our views and our actions to their lives. That is what the whole of Seamus Costello ‘ political life was about. He tried to show that his brand of republicanism, republican socialism was relevant to the lives of the people. That’s why he picketed councils led deputations, fought elections and took his seat. He set out to arouse the people to the indignities they suffered. And that is today our task. Comrades Seamus Costello was a man who was not just a republican in the north and a socialist in the south. He recognised the two could not be separated. The class question and the national question are so intertwine they cannot be separated.

That’s why we reject the partition of the isle. That’s why we oppose the Good Friday Agreement and that’s why we must build up in the working class areas of the South a class based revolutionary party that articulates the deepest desires of the working class people.

Deep within the body politic in the 26 counties a malaise, a malignant growth of corruption, greed, individualism and naked self-interest exists. At the very top An Taoiseach, Bertie is in debt to businessmen. In football it is called a bung, I call it a bribe. Fianna Fail, formerly “the republican party” is now the party of big business Tribunals are investigating planning corruption. Garda are accused of corrupt practices and come down heavy on working class criminals while ignoring the stench of corruption at the top. Young people leaving university now have to wait years before they can get on the housing ladder as the property boom lines the pockets of the investors and builders while landing thousands of ordinary decent folk in debt for the rest of their lives.

Be under no illusions, the so called “Celtic Tiger’ was good for business but bad for people. It will inevitably grind to a halt. Already the forces of the right wipe up racist hatred against the migrants, attracted here by the Celtic Tiger’. At the same time religious fundamentalist financed from the USA try to poison the minds of the people with religious bigotry intolerance and superstition. And the state basically writes off huge working class estates around Ireland and tolerates the drug gangs as they poison the bodies of our young people. It is time for a fight back and we will do what we can to help organise our class against these “scumbags and low lives”, whether in the pulpit, the boardroom or in housing ghettoes.

At the same time we must not only observe events internationally which affect Ireland, but we must act. Seamus Costello would have been down in Shannon supporting and leading protests against the death dealing USA planes refuelling there. He would never have met George Bush but would have picketed him. Shame on the Provisional Republican leadership for its capitulation and bending of the knee the USA imperialists.
There is nothing wrong with pragmatism but pragmatism with out principle is betrayal.

Seamus would also have been shoulder to shoulder with the Ross port Five. In fact wherever there would be injustice oppression exploitation. Seamus Costello would have been leading the resistance.

If we really want to honour Seamus Costello rededicate yourselves comrades to the struggle of the Irish working class. The weapons of struggle may have changed from the days when many of us first became involved, but that does not mean the struggle does not go on. It is just on a different playing field.

Take up these weapons of struggle today, the weapons of protest, of the placard, of the radical newspapers of the internet of the community halls, the trade union rooms, the letters pages of the papers, the strike committees, the groups against racism, poverty, homophobia, low wages, communities against drugs, families against death drivers and so on and so on.

In other words comrades if there something that affects our class that is where we need to be. Because that is the battleground of the struggle today. That is where we, you, me, need to be-leading our class in struggle.

Recently there has much talk of so-called” dissident” republicans coming together renewing or revitalising republicanism.

We too are dissidents. We dissent from the way Ireland is today. We dissent from the new partitionist mentality. We dissent from the acceptance of Imperialism. We dissent from the acceptance of Capitalism values of greed individualism and profit making. We dissent from the Aherne business government. We are proud to be dissenters in the republican tradition.

But we are very much aware that Irish Republicanism’s renaissance will not be by re- fighting the battles of the sixties seventies or eighties. Nor will it be renewed by repeating old mantras, old slogans, or old policies.

Comrades live in the here and now, take up today’s battles, march away from this graveyard, sacred to republican socialism with fire in your belly, steel in your soul and integrity in your eyes to liberate our class and country. That’s how to honour Seamus Costello that’s how to renew republicanism. Victory to the Irish Working Class.

(Martin Mc Monagle IRSP)

Key Ideas of Seamus Costello

October 2007 is the 30th anniversary of the death of Seamus Costello at the hands of former Comrades in the Official IRA which was then transforming itself into the Workers Party. The Republican Socialist movement has always honoured the memory of Seamus Costello, not only for his leadership qualities but also because of his ideas. It is true you can kill a man but you can not kill an idea.
There were a number of key ideas that Seamus Costello advocated and that are still relevant today.

1/The link between the class and the national question.
When the IRSP was formed the Officials were moving away from opposition to the British Imperialist presence in Ireland. Indeed they moved rapidly to a position that embraced that same imperialism in opposition to a caricature of a reactionary Irish nationalism. The Provos themselves were very much anti-communists and distrustful of so called “alien ideologies” They were right wing nationalists (with guns). Only later under pressure from northern volunteers and prisoners did they make a shift to the left and cal themselves socialists. That description can no longer be applied to Sinn Fein (Provisional). They are now, a right wing nationalist organisation, (without too many guns) having shed their newly acquired radicalism, on the long march to Stormont. The IRSP argued and still do that the only struggle worthwhile is the struggle for a socialist Ireland. The only class capable of banishing Imperialism uniting the country and its people and creating a just and equitable society is the working class taking power and building a socialist society.

2/ The Broad Front.
Seamus argued that it was important to build a broad front of organisations that identified the continuing presence of Imperialism as the major contradiction in Irish society. Therefore it was important for unity in action while not compromising principles. Today the issue of a broad front is not on the agenda because of the set backs suffered by republicanism and the left. But there certainly is more scope for joint action among a wide diversity of organisations provided they can put aside their petty sectarian attitudes towards those with whom they disagree.

3/ The Protestant working class
Seamus Costello took a similar attitude towards the protestant working class as James Connolly. He was critical of those he called ring-road socialists who hide their republicanism in an attempt to curry influence with the protestant working class. He argued that republicans had to convince the protestant working class that their own interests lay in unity with catholic workers and that their long-term interests lay in the creation of a socialist Ireland. At the same time he was sensitive to their sense of identity. Within the RSM he argued strongly against any actions that could be construed as sectarian attacks against Protestants.

4/Elections.
Seamus strongly supported the struggle inside the republican movement against the long-standing policy of abstentionism. He argued that abstentionism was a tactic not a principle and that republicanism itself had to move away from being an almost semi mystical set of beliefs towards becoming a vibrant activist political movement that was relevant to the needs of the working class today. He himself saw electoral politics as a means to activate the working class into political action and saw the debating chamber as just another area of revolutionary politics. Not for him a trust in elected politicians who only took account of working class interests when election time came around.

5/Armed Struggle.
Seamus as Chief of Staff of the INLA supported armed struggle but armed struggle that was directed against British imperialist forces. He saw it as another weapon in the armour of revolutionary struggle. Within the INLA itself he was an advocate along with others for acessation, before he was assassinated. He certainly saw a role for armed struggle but always within a political context and not just as a reflex action against the state. He would almost certainly have endorsed the Ta Power doctrine of politics in command had he been given the time to fully develop his ideas with the RSM.

With the passage of time one would imagine that the wounds of old battles would heal or at least be lessened in intensity. Not so when it comes to the personality and ideas of Seamus Costello. The Workers Party in their own partial history of their Party say;

-“that a minority opposition led by Seamus Costello over a two year period sought to reverse the May decision (official IRA ceasefire and at the same time frustrate the development of a disciplined socialist party. In this he was supported by Trotskyist and other ultra-left elements on the fringes of the Party and by sectarian adventurers, largely in Belfast. In 1975 they launched murderous attacks on key Party personnel, killing both rank and file members and leading figures in Belfast and severely wounding the future General Secretary Sean Garland.”

Of course the reality is that it was the Workers Party- to -be that launched a vicious armed assault on the IRSP in a failed effort to wipe it out at birth. That they failed must be still a major source of bitterness within the WP. Only as recently as last year Sean Garland gave a lecture on the 90 anniversary of James Connolly’s death. He could not resist the opportunity to once again launch a vicious attack on the memory of Seamus Costello. He accused Seamus of being responsible for the bitterness caused when the provisional alliance was being formed. He accused him of being in favour of a “sectarian terrorist campaign” of being “totally ruthless” and of “twisted aims”.

He does not mention that in the early seventies he himself was in alliance with Seamus in relation to armed struggle and that together they had been the two people most responsible for moving the republican movement to the left. No one doubts that Seamus Costello was a hard taskmaster. He did not suffer fools gladly. But he was not sectarian nor a mindless militant.

Clearly the reason for Garland’s attacks on the memory of Seamus Costello have more to do with both the failure of the Workers Party project and the increasing growth in the genuine revolutionary ideas of republican socialism. One has to wonder why those who call themselves, Republicans, Socialists, Marxists and Communists reserve their greatest hatred, venom and spleen for other Republicans, Socialists, Marxists and Communists? What agenda do they work to?

History will in the long run judge all but we are confident that the revolutionary ideas that Seamus Costello and the Republican Socialist movement espouse will long outlast the sterile, sectarian, Stalinism of the reformist Workers Party. We salute the memory of Seamus Costello.

____________________

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C4eNzCWtRtM

Marxist Education
http://www.newyouth.com/archives/theory/marxismfaq.asp

James Connolly Archive http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly

The Red Plough is an independent Republican Marxist Internet publication

Seamus Costello Interview

2010-10-08T11:48:00.003-05:00

From the Red Plough

Editorial
Seamus Costello was a pivotal figure in the development of Irish Republicanism in the middle of the 20th century. October is the month of the year when socialist republicans remember his contribution. The Red Plough re-publishes here just some of the writings of Seamus. They are not only of historic interest but also contain some elements of political thought that still have relevance today. The first article the oration at Bodenstown in 1966 marked the historic turn of the Republican movement to the left. The last article is from the Starry Plough in October 1997 just days after his assassination and sums up his contribution to revolutionary politics in Ireland.

Oration at Bodenstown

Text of oration delivered by Seamus Costello at the Wolfe Tone commemoration at Bodenstown, 1966.

We have assembled here today to pay our respects to the memory of Theobald Wolfe Tone, the father of Irish republicanism. If we, the republicans of 1966, are to pay a fitting tribute to Tone, it is essential that we examine in depth the ideals for which he fought and died. He believed that the Irish people "had but one common interest and one common enemy; that the depression and slavery of Ireland was produced and perpetrated by the divisions existing between them, and that, consequently, to assert the independence of their country, and their own individual liberties, it was necessary to forget all former feuds to consolidate the entire strength of the whole nation, and to form for the future but one people."
His attitude towards the so-called 'Irish parliament' of the day is also worthy of attention. He maintained that the parliament was a totally ineffective body, that it had changed nothing in Ireland, that the social and political order remained the same, and that, as before, the real power lay with the British Government. He realized that until such time as the Irish people united and demanded their just rights that the wealth of this country would either be controlled directly by Britain, or be syphoned off with the willing connivance of a subservient Irish parliament.
Having seen the problems that existed at the time, Tone in conjunction with the other leaders of the revolutionary movement decided that the first logical step towards a solution was to
"break the connection with England, the never failing source of all our political and economic evils."
You may well ask why we of the republican movement, 168 years after the death of Tone, find it necessary to advocate the same course of action that he advocated. The answer is simple. We find it necessary to advocate the same course of action because of the fact that the Irish people still do not control their own affairs, and because their economic and political independence is considered a fit subject for barter or sale by our two subservient puppet parliaments. If the Irish people have any doubt about the truth of this statement and want proof of what I say, they have only to take a close look at the situation that exists today in each part of our partitioned land.

In the North, the destinies of one and a half million of our countrymen are controlled by a puppet regime whose existence for some 45 years has depended on the support of British armed forces. This regime has found to its apparent delight that one of the simplest ways of ensuring its continued existence is by the furtherance of bigotry and sectarianism. Ample evidence of this policy can be found in the recent antics of a certain reverend agent provocateur.
These then are the means by which the British imperialists intend to maintain the people of the North in perpetual slavery. These are also the means by which the working classes are divided against their own material welfare. The pro-British capitalist class who control the economy of the North know very well that, when the people reject those who foster sectarianism, their next step will be to demand a just share of the wealth which they create. These are the real reasons why one section of the community are led to believe that it is in their interest to discriminate against another section. Never are they told that the standard of living which they enjoy, at the expense of their victimized neighbors, is theirs by right - rather are they tricked into believing that these natural rights are a reward for their support of the regime. These tactics serve to ensure that a large section of the population of the North remain loyal to the regime and at the same time do not insist on having a bigger share in the wealth.
In the 26 counties the most that can be said of the position is that it contains one evil less religious discrimination is absent. The political and economic subjection of this part of Ireland to Britain is no less complete than that of the North.
However, British control over the destinies of the people of the 26 counties is not as obvious. This is due in the main to the fact that since 1921 they have had the co-operation of successive quisling parliaments in order to ensure that their interests here are fully protected.
The effects of this economic subjection are obvious in every sphere of life in Ireland at the present time. We of the republican movement have no need to tell the Irish people of the sorry mess which has been made of the economy. The politicians are telling us every day. They tell us that this position arises as a result of the workers insisting on having a better standard of living. Never are we told that the profits, which accrue from our labours, are invested abroad by the native and foreign capitalists who control our resources.
We are constantly told that we must work harder for the same wages despite the fact that we have to live with an ever increasing cost of living and an ever increasing burden of taxation. Up to now we have been 'advised' that it is wrong for workers to withhold labour in the struggle to wrest a decent wage from those employers whose only role in life seems to be the exploitation of workers. The situation in this regard has now changed radically, with the introduction of coercive anti-worker legislation. We now find that Mr. Lemass, in his eagerness to please his imperial masters, is prepared to use against farmers and workers the same type of repression which was previously reserved for republicans. It now seems inevitable that the republicans in Mountjoy prison will soon find themselves joined by farmers and trade unionists.
We republicans must not be content to criticize those who misgovern both parts of our country. If we are to regard ourselves as true followers of Tone, we must provide the Irish people with an alternative. It must be a realistic and practical alternative. Our target must be the achievement of the ideals set out in the Proclamation of 1916 - the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities for all our citizens.
This in effect means that we must aim for the ownership of our resources by the people, so that these resources will be developed in the best interests of the people as a whole. Some of you may feel that these aims are impossible to achieve until such time as we have an independent all-Ireland government. It is certainly true that some of these aims will not reach fruition until such time as we have an all-Ireland parliament. However, in the meantime, you as republicans have an extremely important part to play in the furtherance of this policy.
It is your duty to spearhead the organization of a virile co-operative movement among the farming community. It is also your duty to use your influence as trade unionists to organise a militant trade union movement with a national consciousness. In short, it is your duty to become active, hard working members of each and every organization that is working for the welfare of all the people and towards the reunification of the country.
You should use every possible opportunity to acquaint the people with our policies on land, industry and finance. We believe that there should be a limit to the amount of land owned by any single individual. We also believe that the large estates of absentee landlords should be acquired by compulsory acquisition and worked on a co-operative basis with the financial and technical assistance of the State.
In the field of industry, our policy is to nationalize the key industries with the eventual aim of co-operative ownership by the workers. The capital necessary to carry out this programme can be made available without recourse to extensive taxation by the nationalization of all banks, insurance, loan and investment companies whose present policy is the re-investment of our hard earned money in foreign fields.
This in short is our policy. This is our definition of freedom. It was Tone's definition, Lalor's definition, Mitchel's definition, and the stated aim of Pearse and Connolly. We can expect the same reaction to the implementation of these aims from the forces of exploitation, whether native or foreign sponsored, as the originators received in '98, '48, '67 and 1916.
Therefore, to imagine that we can establish a republic solely by constitutional means is utter folly. The lesson of history shows that in the final analysis the robber baron must be dis-established by the some methods that he used to enrich himself and retain his ill-gotten gains, namely, force of arms. To this end we must organise, train, and maintain a disciplined armed force which will always be available to strike at the opportune moment.

Democracy and the Mass Movement

(Sinn Fein education conference in Sheelon Sharrock Hotel held on 23 February 1969)

Mr Chairman, Comrades,

1.My intention is to demonstrate during the course of this lecture how the working of democracy at both local government and national government level can be related to the work of mass movements.
2.I will deal first of all with the experiences to our Movement at local level, showing the effects of our activities both inside and outside the local authorities.
3.I then propose to relate those experiences to our Movement at national level, showing what I believe would be the likely effects of our involvement in parliamentary action.

In order to understand the present position of the Movement in Wicklow it is necessary to first of all trace the history and development of the Movement in that area since 1954. You may ask why 1954 ? The answer to that is that the first attempt made in modern times to re-establish the Movement in Wicklow was in 1954. At that time there was absolutely no Republican organisation in County Wicklow. In fact the last period during which organised Republicanism existed in Wicklow was during, and for a short period after, the Civil War.
This meant in effect that when the Movement was reorganised, and indeed right up to the present moment, that none of our members were drawn from traditional Republican backgrounds. We had to start with completely new people who had no experience of, or preconceived ideas about revolutionary political action. I feel that this point is worth mentioning because of the effect it has had on our methods of operation. The main effect as far as I am concerned is that we have being able to approach every phase of our activities with a completely fresh outlook unhindered by any adherence to unnecessary taboos, except those imposed upon us by belonging to a Movement that has in the past and indeed to a certain extent in the present, being guided in its activities by past history, rather than by completely different circumstances of the present.

The first Sinn Fein Cumann was started in Bray in May of 1955. At that time, we had 6 or 7 members, mist of whom had been members of the Cumann in Dun Laoire for a couple of months before that date. From the time the Cumann was formed until the end of 1955, our only activity was the sale of the United Irishman in the town of Bray.

The position in Wicklow remained the same up to the end of 1957, except that we had a slight increase in membership, and we managed to spread the sale of the United Irishman into most of the other populated districts of the county. This was done by groups of 3 or 4 people in cars who managed to cover about 75 percent of the public houses in the county between 8pm and closing time on Saturday nights. In this way we managed to get the paper sold and build up our finances out of the profits after having paid our petrol expenses.

There was no significant change in that position between 1957 and the end of 1959 except that a small number of our members were imprisoned and took part in the campaign. We still only had one Cumann in the county, and the campaign was simply a new topic for discussion in the pubs on Saturday nights. The only effect the campaign seems to have had on the public during this period is that they seemed more anxious to buy the United Irishman. I often suspected that they did this in order to keep themselves informed of the sensational happenings in the North, in the same way as they bought the News of the World to read about other sensational happenings in London or Glasgow.

Between 1959 and 1962 the organisation in Bray began to show signs of disintegration. We were reduced to about 4 or 5 active members and the sale of the paper in other parts of the County outside Bray was discontinued. At the end of 1962 we were selling about 14 United Irishman, all in the town of Bray. The morale of our members seems to have declined in direct ratio to the progress or otherwise of the military campaign. When the campaign ended in February 1962 we again set about putting the organisation on its feet, and by the middle of 1963 we had recruited about a dozen very active people, and had succeeded in re-establishing the sale of the paper throughout the county. In June of 1963 Joe Doyle was released from prison in England, and we availed of the opportunity to publicise the existence of our organisation in Bray. We did this by having a torchlight procession and a rally afterwards. I have always felt that this was the first occasion on which the people began to develop an interest in our existence. We had a number of new recruits following Joe Doyle‚s return, and for the first time since 1959, the national collection was carried out on a county basis. We had already had a very successful year with Easter Lilies sales, and our financial position was quite sound.

Our activities between the end of 1963 and February 1966 were the same was in 1963, except that we re-established the Easter commemorations for the first time since 1924. We also established our first links with the trade union movement during this period and managed to get one of our members selected as a delegate to the Bray Trades Council, representing the Workers Union of Ireland. There seemed to be a growing awareness on the part of our own members at this time of the necessity for involvement in the work of other organisations. This was due in the main to the creation of new policy in the Movement as a whole.

This new policy was brought a step forward in February 1966 when the local Sinn Fein Cumann called a public meeting of all Council Tenants in Bray for the purpose of forming a Tenant’s Association. The immediate result of this meeting was the formation of a very active association with 4 or 5 of our members in key positions on the committee. It also had a very favourable effect from our point of view on the course of the local elections in the following year. I will explain how this came about later in this lecture.

We also strengthened our links with the Trade Union movement in 1966 by inviting the Bray Trade‚s Council to officially participate in the 1966 Easter Commemorations. They agreed to march and they appointed Roddy Connolly, the son of James Connolly, to speak on their behalf from the platform. Their participation in the commemoration served to link the organised working class movement with our movement in the eyes of the people, and subsequently helped us in the local election of 1967. By the beginning of 1967, our organisation in Bray was well poised for the local government election contest. We were still the only Sinn Fein Cumann in the county, however we were in a very strong position both from the point of view of finance and influence with the working class people.

The latter was due mainly to our contacts with the Trades Council and the Tenant‚s Association, both of which represent large number of working class people. The Tenant‚s Association represents about 800 families in the town and the twenty unions affiliated to the Trades Council represents approximately 1500 workers in Bray and the surrounding area. We managed to acquire the support of the Tenant‚s Association by holding a meeting of our own members who were on the Tenant‚s Committee and drafting a questionnaire which was to be circulated to all candidates in the election by the Tenant‚s Association. The Association also informed each candidate that their answers to the questionnaire would be circulated to every tenant in the town and that the people could draw their own conclusions.

The questionnaire dealt with a number of problems about which most tenants had a genuine grievance, and our people on the committee took steps to ensure that the Sinn Fein candidates were the only ones who could give answers that were favourable to the tenants. The result was that the tenants received copies of the answers from all candidates and large numbers of them supported us because of our policy on housing matters. At this stage it may be of benefit to give an outline of the main points from our Election Programme and indicate briefly how the election was fought. The main points from our programme were as follows:

1.That all building land would be brought under the control of the local authorities and that they would be the sole agents for the purchase and sale of such lands at prices related to its agricultural value.
2.That housing should be treated as an essential social service and financed on a non profit making basis.
3.We stated also that we would organise the homeless people (about 300 families) to pressurise the council into building more houses.
4.That we would fight for the introduction of a purchase scheme for all council tenants.
5.That we oppose the introduction of differential rents.
6.That we would seek to have repairs to all council houses done through a direct labour scheme.
7.We advocated the completion of a flood prevention scheme for the Dargle river.
8.We also pointed out the necessity for such things as local bus services, phone boxes, dispensaries, etc.
9.We strongly condemned the Managerial Act, and called for more direct participation by the people in local government matters.
10.We had to explain very clearly in our Election Manifesto that we would take our seats if elected. We had to do this because of the fact that the other parties were telling people that we would refuse to sit if elected. It was also quite obvious to us that no matter what the people thought of our Election Policy they could see no point in supporting us unless we were prepared to sit on the council.

We opened our campaign about four weeks before polling day by setting up a full time Election Headquarters, complete with telephone. During the campaign we gave out approximately 75 000 pieces of literature made up of National Election Manifesto, Local Election Manifesto, Candidate Literature, Voting Cards and hand outs at polling stations. We used 3000 posters. We also had an average of 15 people working every night, either canvassing or distributing literature and we were able to provide transport and man all polling stations on voting day. We were the only party in town that managed to canvass every house, and also to hold numerous public meetings. Our total expenses came to £360.00, and we made a profit of £50.00. The net result was the winning of two seats on Bray Urban District Council and one seat on Wicklow County Council. Having outlined the type of Election Campaign we fought, I feel it is essential that we examine the reasons why the people voted for us. I think the reasons would be as follows:

1.Bray had experienced a long period of particularly bad administrations, resulting in a generally run-down town, and the existing parties were either unwilling or unable to take appropriate action to remedy the situation.

2.Most members of the outgoing council had been at least 20 or 30 years involved in local government and there seemed to be absolutely no difference between one party and another.

3.We had established a good relationship with the people through our involvement in the Tenant‚s Association, the Trades Council and the Credit Union movements.

4.We made no secret of the fact that we were a revolutionary socialist party and that we were prepared to give leadership both in the local council chamber and on the streets.

5.We made it obvious that we were radically different from all the other parties and that we had no time for any party that existed by putting the people under a compliment for things that are theirs by right.

6.We made it plain to the people that if we were elected we would make sure that Bray Urban District Council would be democratised and that they would be able to make their presence felt in the council chamber on any issue that affected their welfare.

7.We fought a better campaign than any other party and people were impressed by the dedication and unity of our members during the campaign.

8.All of the other parties were suffering through internal rivalry between their candidates and we benefited from this.

After the local elections of June 1967 we had to lay down new rules of behaviour to deal with the following situations:

I. What would be the relationship between our elected representatives and our own organisation.
II. What would be the relationship between our elected representatives and individuals or organisations.
III. What would be the relationship between our elected representatives and the representatives of other parties.
IV.What would be the relationship between our representatives and the Council officials.

I. In order to maintain proper contact between our elected representatives and our own members we set up the machinery for the holding of regular meetings. We hold a general meeting twice a month on the nights before the local council meets. At our own meeting we discuss all matters on the agenda for the council meeting and decisions are made by the meeting regarding the attitude to be taken by our councillors. We also discuss at these meetings any items that our own members feel should be raised at the council meetings. We decide whether these matters will be raised directly by our own councillors, by the Sinn Fein Cumann through direct correspondence, or through agitation in the mass organisations. Whenever possible we adopt the last course of action in order to build the confidence of the people in their own organisations. It also helps to establish our members within these organisations, and ensures that their leadership is accepted.

II. The contacts created between individuals or organisations as a result of our election presented us with a completely new situation. We found that suddenly large numbers of people and organisations were approaching our councillors for assistance, and we set up a Citizen‚s Advice Bureau in order to meet them. The people we meet in this way can usually be broken into three categories:

a.Individual people who require assistance from someone with knowledge of local government procedure, so that they can overcome some problem that applies to them alone. They are usually people who are entitled to some particular service but don‚t know how to proceed about obtaining it. In these cases our local representatives simply approach the appropriate Council Department and iron out the red tape. We usually find that those people have already approached councillors from other parties, and we are under the impression that we are doing them a favour. We always avail of the opportunity to impress upon them that what they are seeking is theirs by right and that they don‚t owe us or anyone else anything for it. We find that this approach serves to create a spirit of independence on the part of the persons concerned. It also helps to establish our integrity and demolish the hypocrisy of the other parties.
b.If an individual approaches us with a problem that happens to be common to a number of other people we usually refuse to act on his behalf unless he first of all agrees to bring the other people together so that they can all fight together. I can best illustrate what I mean by giving an outline of one particular case. In August 1967 we were approached by a particular individual who had no water supply in this house and who had been trying for 25 years to get Wicklow County Council to give him a connection from a nearby water main. During the course of discussion with him it emerged that there was a total of 13 houses in his locality without water and that they had spent 25 years approaching other councillors without avail. The other parties had simply said „leave it to us and we will look after it‰, but had done nothing about it. This man agreed to organise a meeting of his neighbours which we attended. We pointed out to them that if they were prepared to organise themselves they had a good chance of pressurising the Council into giving them a water supply. They agreed with our suggestion, and formed an association. The association went on 2 or 3 deputations to council meetings and after threatening to withhold rates etc. they succeeded in getting the council to agree to install a water supply. Work will start on the scheme in about two weeks time. These people could not understand why none of the other parties had suggested the same tactics as we had. Again we availed of the opportunity to explain the difference in policy between our organisation and the other parties. The result is that we now have the whole-hearted support of these people, and they in turn have developed a new sense of independence. If other examples of similar cases are required I can give them during question time.
c.The third category in this group is an approach by some existing organisation requiring assistance. Existing organisations are different from individual cases in so far as they rarely approach one party only. They usually contact all parties at the same time if the problem is connected with local government. If they have a long standing problem that could not be solved the conventional manner we usually suggest some form of agitational activity, and we offer whatever technical knowledge which they may require. We have found when dealing with organisations that all conventional means must have failed them before we can suggest other methods. We have established very good relationships with the following organisations was a result of these approaches:
- Bray Trades Council
- Bray Tenant‚s Association
- Bray Housing Action Association
- County Wicklow N.F.A.
- County Wicklow Macra na Feirma
- West Wicklow Development Association
- Greystones-Kilcoole Housing Action Association plus numerous other smaller groups.
We find that most organisations exist in order to improve the living standards of their members, and that a solution to their problems can be found by reference to the appropriate section of the Sinn Fein Social and Economic Policy. Every opportunity should be availed of in order to let these organisations know that the solutions advanced by our local representatives are in fact part of Sinn Fein policy and not just the opinions of individual councillors. If a solution can be found within the existing framework of society so much the better. If solutions can only be found through a completely new type of social and economic structure, then this should be made clear to the organisations concerned and every possible effort should be made to create a head on collision between these organisations and the forces opposed to them. In this way, we will help to create a desire on their part for fundamental changes in the structure of society. This in my opinion should be one of the primary functions of Sinn Fein councillors. If we succeed in this objective the organisations concerned will be prepared to give us political support when we advance the same solutions from our political platforms.

III. The next matter that we had to decide upon was the relationship between our representatives and the representatives of other parties. We decided at the beginning that we would adopt a completely independent stand on all issues, and that if our views happened to coincide with the views of other parties w e would co-operate. In turn if our views were different we would oppose them. In practice we have found that in most cases we have been opposed by the other parties, particularly on issues that require fundamental changes in the structure of society before they can be solved. The result of this is that we have succeeded in exposing the other parties as groups who are only interested in maintaining the status quo. We have been particularly successful in exposing the Labour Party in Wicklow as such a group. This arose because of their attitude in connection with a recent housing scandal, which I can elaborate upon during question time if necessary. The Trades Council in Bray have co-operated with us in this particular case, and we have publicly condemned the Labour councillors for their anti-working class attitude. It should be of interest to note that most of the delegates on the Trades Council are either members of supporters of the Labour Party. The attitude of Sinn Fein councillors should be to avail of every possible opportunity to demonstrate that we are fundamentally different from all of the other parties, and we should not yield to the temptation to let up on the attack either from some short term advantage or because some of them just happen to be nice people.

IV. The relationship between our representatives and local authority officials needs to be examined at this point. Our experience of Wicklow has shown that most of the officials are reasonably honest and dedicated workers and that some of them are quite progressive in their attitudes. However, they are restricted in their activities by the rules laid down by the central authority for the running of local government. This means in effect that in cases where we advocate policies that cannot be implemented through the framework of existing legislation we run the risk of head on collision with the officials. The effect of this can and should be minimised by pointing out at all times that we are opposed to the system as such and not to the officials that are forced to work within the confines of the system. In this way we will succeed in gaining the support of the progressive minded officials, and at the same time we will help to create grave dissatisfaction on their part with the whole local government system. They will gradually become disillusioned and frustrated, and it will therefore be easier for us to in their support for our ideas in the future.

The Wicklow by election was held in March 1968 and at the time we still had only one organised Cumann in the whole county. The election was fought in basically the same way as the local elections except that it cost us approximately £1200 as opposed to £360. As a direct result of the election we were able to form nine new Cumainn in the county. This was about the only advantage gained from the contest. We now have a total of ten Cumainn, all of which are reasonably active as outlined during the course of the lecture. In terms of votes we received approximately 2000 first preference votes which I consider to be a poor return for the investment in time, labour and money involved.

During the course of the by election we found that the greatest single objection to voting Sinn Fein was the existence of the abstentionist policy. I stated at the start of this lecture that I proposed to relate our experiences on local councils to the likely effects of our involvement in parliamentary action at National level. Involvement in parliament can be usefully compared in a number of ways with our involvement in Local councils. As I have already demonstrated during the course of my lecture there is two things that we can achieve through our involvement in local government affairs:

1.We can achieve some short term results within the existing framework
2.We can use it as a forum from which to advance our revolutionary ideas thereby creating a lack of confidence in the whole system. Of course we can only do these things by operating both inside and outside the Council Chambers in a disciplined manner as I have already referred to.

I suggested the same tactics could be usefully employed by even a small group of well disciplined T.D.s at National level working both inside and outside Parliament. I believe that the Republican Movement is capable of producing the proper type of person for this job. And I also believe that we could establish the necessary machinery to control our T.D.s. The people of Ireland are clever enough to recognise the fact that effective power lies in the hands of Parliament at the moment, and in my opinion they are not going to give their support to any party that refuses to recognise this fact and act accordingly.

Before the Republican Movement can achieve power, we must succeed in breaking the confidence of the people in the existing Parliamentary institutions, and I would suggest that this should be one of the main functions of our T.D.s. They should also be full time Revolutionary Organisers in their own areas, thereby demonstrating to the people who elected them the fundamental difference between ourselves and the other parties.

In conclusion I would like to give an example of the possibilities that could have been availed of by such as group of T.D.s in the recent past. The discussion on the ESB Special Provisions Bill in 1966 provided a glorious opportunity to demonstrate the effectiveness of revolutionary tactics within parliament combined with action on the streets. If the opportunity could not have been availed of at that time it could certainly have been used during the subsequent ESB strike. During this strike approximately 50 ESB workers were imprisoned and almost 100 000 workers, most of whom were in sympathy with the ESB men were walking the streets of Dublin for the best part of a week. I suggest that the opportunities thus presented as a result of these circumstances could have been used with effect by a well disciplined revolutionary movememnt acting in consort with its TDs in order to smash the Special Provisions Bill.

The present discussions on the Criminal Justice Bill presents similar opportunities for any party in opposition to avail of them, and with that provocative suggestion which I feel sure raises more questions than it answers, I will now conclude my lecture.

Seamus Costello Interview

Q. What are the main ideological differences existing between the IRSP and the Officials?

A. The principal ideological difference would be in our attitude towards the national question. Basically, the position of the leadership of the Officials is that there is no hope of achieving national liberation until such time as the Protestant and Catholic working class in the North are united, and therefore there is nothing which can be done in political terms or in any other terms about this particular issue. Our attitude, on the other hand, is that the British presence in Ireland is the basic cause of the divisions between the Protestant and Catholic working class in the North. It follows that the primary emphasis should be on the mobilization of the mass of the Irish people in the struggle for national liberation. The Left should play a leading role in this struggle. The rank and file of the Official movement, at the 1972 and 1973 ard fheiseanna, put forward a policy which would have led to a more militant approach on this question, but the leadership frustrated its implementation. The Official republicans gradually degenerated into taking a reformist position on a number of very important issues.

Q. Would you be willing to co-operate with loyalist groups on short-term economic and social issues?

A. Any approach to the loyalist and Protestant working class in the North must be on the basis of a principled political approach. There is no use going to some loyalist group and asking them for co-operation with housing on the Shankill and Falls Road, and at the same time pretending that we are not socialists and we are not republicans. The approach to the loyalists must be an honest one. We must explain to them what all aspects of our policy are. We must explain, for instance, that we are opposed to the British presence in Ireland and that we are not merely opposed to that presence because we want to establish a Catholic republic in the whole country. We are opposed to it because we regard it as the principal means of dividing the Protestant and Catholic working class and because we regard the British presence in Ireland as the principal obstacle preventing the emergence of class politics in Ireland. If we approach the Protestant working class on this basis, we may manage to convince some of them, at least, that our approach is correct. We see no point whatsoever in co-operating with them on short-term issues while at the some time trying to fool them about our politics. If we were to do that we would be in the same position as the people in Belfast in 1913, whom Connolly described as "gas and water" socialists. The Official movement has tried this particular approach and has now moved into a position of what we would call "Ring-road Socialists." In other words, they are prepared to adopt a common stand with loyalist organizations on the question of the ring-road in Belfast, and to hope or believe that the Protestants will not suspect that they are really republicans or socialists. We feel this is a very dishonest approach and that ultimately it is a counter productive one.

Q. You state that the IRSP is not an abstentionist party. If you get candidates elected to the Dail, what kind of role will they play? The role of a social democratic party (e.g. the Irish Labour Party)?

A. When we say we are not an abstentionist party, we mean we are not a party, in principle, committed to abstention. But there are circumstances and conditions under which it might be desirable to abstain, and if we felt that it was tactically desirable at any particular point in time, in either the North or the South, to abstain from parliament, then we would do so. That would depend, however, on the circumstances. If a situation existed, for instance, where there was a possibility of large-scale dissatisfaction on the part of the people with either the 26-county parliament or the six-county parliament, then abstention on our part would be a legitimate tactic.

As for IRSP representatives in Leinster House, we would see their primary task as one of highlighting the policies of the IRSP, using the parliament as a platform for the pursuit of these policies and for achieving publicity for them. But members elected to parliament would have to be active in politics outside the parliament, i.e., in extra-parliamentary and agitationary politics on the streets. We see a direct relationship between the successful struggle on streets in pursuit of any particular political objective and the presence of people in parliament. We don't see parliament as an institution that is likely to produce the results which we want from a long-term point of view. We don't see it in a reformist way. We see both parliamentary institutions in Ireland as institutions that have to be abolished if we are to make progress towards establishing a Socialist Republic.

Loyalism and the Connolly Approach( March 1975)

"Connolly had to face exactly the same predicament. In Belfast prior to 1916, you had people who classified themselves as socialists and who were also interested in ending British rule in Ireland. Their approach to the Protestant working class as on the basis of limited and immediate issues. One of the principal issues, which affected both sections of the working class, was the question of whether or not they could get gas and water into their houses.

Some very militant campaigns were engaged in on these two demands - gas and water for the houses in the working class districts. Republicans and socialists were involved in this campaign on the basis that this was the way to unite the working class. At the same time, these republicans and socialists refused point blank to mention or even discuss the national question with the Protestant working class, on the grounds that if they did, the Protestant working class wouldn't listen to them and that they would lose their co operation on the issue of gas and water for the houses.

Connolly was totally in opposition to this approach. He categorized them as gas and water socialists. Today in Belfast we have what we call ring-road socialists. They are exactly the same type of people. They are, in fact, the leadership of the Official republican movement in Belfast. We maintain that any co-operation with the Protestant working class must be on the basis of a principled political position. It must be on the basis of explaining fully to the Protestant working class what all our policies are, not just our policy on the ring road. We must try and politicise them, simultaneously with conducting a political campaign to get rid of Britain. It will be primarily an educational function, or an educational campaign directed towards Protestants in the hope at least that some significant section of the Protestant working class will understand “

Aims, Principles, and Policies

In an interview with an Italian journalist shortly after the formation of the Irish Republican Socialist Party, Seamus Costello defined the party's aims and objectives with his customary clarity and precision.

Q. What does your party stand for?

A. We are a revolutionary socialist party and our objective is to create a revolutionary socialist state in Ireland. Part of the struggle for a socialist state entails resolving the national liberation struggle and ending British imperialist intervention, whether military intervention, political intervention or control of aspects of the economy. This is the basic position of the party. We see the ending of British imperialist intervention in Ireland as an essential pre-requisite for the development of the class struggle between left and right in this country. The class forces in Ireland have never developed properly in the last 50 years basically because of the imperialist intervention and because of the fact that the national struggle remains incomplete.

Q. Could you tell us something about the structure of the six-county state and its relation to the non-development of the class struggle in Ireland, especially as regards the position of the Protestant working class?

A. Class politics have never really developed in the six counties because of the nature of the state. The unionist majority, or the loyalist majority, have always enjoyed some marginal privileges. Basically because of their loyalty to Britain, and because they wanted to maintain the constitutional status quo, they have been rewarded with the better jobs, better housing, and up to recent years they had advantages in voting. The organizations traditionally used to maintain this loyalty are the Unionist Party and the Orange Order. They have always crossed class divisions, and always had a large following of working class people. They've had the petty bourgeoisie, they've had the support of the native capitalist class. For these reasons the class struggle has never really developed in the North, and we feel that it cannot develop because of the basic nature of the state, because of the sectarian nature of the state, and because of the manipulation of the sectarian divisions by the imperialists, who deliberately created these divisions in the first place, and subsequently fostered them.

Q. Is there any situation anywhere in the world with which you could compare the situation in Northern Ireland?

A. I can't think of any example which is parallel in every respect. There may be some general examples. An example perhaps, although not identical but with certain comparisons, would be the French in Algeria. They saw their allegiance to France as a means of preserving their privileged status. There fore they fought to maintain French domination in Algeria. There are some parallels, but in my opinion none of them is essentially identical.

Q. About the working class in the Republic, its level of consciousness both in an anti-imperialist sense and in a socialist sense?

A. In the anti-imperialist sense its level of consciousness is, I think, pretty well developed for historical reasons. Perhaps you could say it is instinctive rather than theoretical. It is something people have inherited for hundreds of years, and in times of crisis it becomes very evident. This sentiment, or anti-imperialist opinion, is there, and we've had many examples of it in the last five ore six years.

After Bloody Sunday when 13 people were killed in Derry by the British army, something like half a million people demonstrated in Dublin. Factories and shops closed and the British embassy was burned. There were 100,000 to 150,000 there the day it was burned. These demonstrations are a manifestation of historic anti-imperialist sentiment or opinion. The major political party here, Fianna Fail, have traditionally got approximately 50% of the votes in every election. Their original motivation was anti-imperialist, or they presented themselves as an anti-imperialist party, and for this reason they gained popular support and still retain that support.

The development of class politics is a much different question. Class politics have never really developed in this part of Ireland. The working class are organized in the trade union movement. In fact. they are very well organized and better than most European countries in terms of organizational structure and numbers - even in terms of militancy.

But there is little or not ideological direction in the trade union movement. Although the trade union movement is officially affiliated to the Labour Party, most trade unionists probably vote for the Fianna Fail party, which represents native capitalism. There is an obvious contradiction there. They are just organized to gain better conditions of work on a day-to-day basis, and to fight for wage increases. But they don't have a perspective for undermining the capitalist system as such.

Working class socialist politics are confined to the smaller parties on the left, who represent a section of working class opinion which, unfortunately, is a minority section of working class opinion.

One of the principal reasons for lack of development of working class or socialist politics is the existence of partition - the fact that the British are still within the country. In the minds of most people this has been the main question in Irish politics for 50 years. The main question which must be resolved is the struggle against imperialism, so that the workers can think in terms of confronting the native capitalist class. That is the principal reason why we want to end imperialist intervention in the country. We want to see a natural political situation develop, with the confrontation which you normally expect between left and right, and in this way to bring the Irish working class into control of the resources and the wealth of the country.

Q. How long do you think it would take, if partition were ended, to bring the Unionist working class in the North to a militant socialist position? And what is necessary for such a development apart from ending partition and destroying the six-county state?

A. Historically, some sections of Unionist working class in the North have been fairly militant within the framework of the six-county state. They have been militant on some class issues. If the British presence in the country were ended, and if the loyalist working class in the North were convinced that it was ended and finished for ever,we feel that the natural tendency on their part would be to think in terms of class politics within this island. In some ways they have different traditions.

They perhaps would have a different definition of what they call civil and religious liberties. They would want those civil and religious liberties protected, and they are entitled to have them protected. They are entitled to have a constitutional arrangement in this country which does protect them. They are also entitled as workers to have their standard of living protected. The key to the development of class struggle lies in this area, because this raises the whole question of class politics - who controls the wealth and resources. In that context, we think class politics can develop, and the Unionist working class in the North will adopt a radical position. How long is it going to take? I don't know. It might happen in a year, it might take ten years. I'm no prophet.

Q. What is the position about education in regard to clerical control?

A. The education system in the 26 counties is a sectarian education system controlled in the main by a Catholic clergy. We are completely opposed to this. We want a secular system in both parts of the country.

Q. How would you see the problem of school integration in the North? A. In principle we are in favour of an integrated secular education system. The difficulty about the present situation in the North is that if we do have an integrated education system, it means in effect that we have an education system which is under the control of the pro-imperialist section of the population. So, in the present conditions we would have to argue and oppose that development. The Catholic community in the North have controlled their own education system. The state has controlled the education of the Protestants or loyalists. While we disagree with the Catholic Church controlling the education system, Catholic education has tended to produce people who have some form of anti-imperialist attitudes and sentiments, and even politics. We think it is better to maintain that than to destroy it. When we have the destruction of the six-county state, we would have a national education system for the whole country which would be secularized.

Q. What in your view is Britain's policy now towards the situation in Northern Ireland?

A. British policy must be viewed in the light of their attitude towards Ireland as a whole - not just towards the six counties. What Britain wants is to maintain her influence here over the whole island. Her military and political intervention in the North is simply a means of maintaining this influence and this control. Britain knows that if she is compelled to withdraw from the North, she loses all control over the economy, the wealth and the resources of this country. She knows that there is a good possibility of the creation of a socialist state. Britain and the EEC countries also would be conscious of the effect of a socialist state in Ireland on the western European working class, in France, in Germany, in Italy, in Belgium and in Holland. A socialist revolution in Ireland would be an inspiration to people all over western Europe. The EEC countries have a vested interest, as well as Britain, in ensuring that there is no change in the status quo in Ireland.

Seamus Costello to the Troops Out Movement

(Address by Seamus Costello to the Troops Out Movement conference in the Mansion House, Dublin on September 18, 1976. )

I am addressing this conference on behalf of the Irish Republican Socialist Party, and for the benefit of those who are not familiar with our policies I would like to give a brief summary of the origins of our party and of the political principles upon which we are organised.

The IRSP was founded in December 1974 by a group of active republicans, socialists and trade unionists, who recognised the need for a revolutionary socialist party - for a party that understood the relationship between the national question and the class struggle in Ireland, and would have a programme of political action based on this understanding. Our ultimate goal is to end imperialist rule in Ireland, and establish a 32 county democratic socialist republic with the working class in control of the means of production, distribution and exchange. Most of those involved in the formation of the IRSP were active members of Sinn Féin Gardiner Place until we reached the conclusion that the leadership of that organisation were unwilling to accept that a struggle against imperialism was in progress, and incapable of mobilising the Irish left in support of that struggle. The repeated failure of the Gardiner Place leadership to implement the democratic decisions of their own organisation, or to allow for an honest and free internal debate of their failure, left many of their most active and politically conscious members with no alternative but to form a new party.

Our party is organised on an all-Ireland basis with approximately 800 members. We accept the principles of democratic centralism, and produce a quarterly internal bulletin which promotes debate on matters of policy, strategy, and tactics within the party. We also produce a monthly newspaper called "The Starry Plough". Our main activity since our formation has been to promote the concept of a broad front in support of the struggle for national liberation, and against repression, North and South. We are also involved in the current campaign for the repeal of the death penalty in the 26 counties, and for the reprieve of Noel and Marie Murray who are currently awaiting execution. We are also involved in organising the campaign against unemployment and the campaign for the retention of political status in Northern Ireland prisons.

I want now to elaborate on our concept of a broad front and the demands around which we believe it should organise and campaign. Our first and most important demand is that Britain should immediately, and publicly, renounce all claims to sovereignty over any part of Ireland or its coastal waters. Secondly, Britain must immediately disband and disarm all of the locally recruited, pro-imperialist forces such as the UDR, RUC and RUC Reserve and withdraw all troops from Ireland. Finally, Britain must release all political prisoners, grant a general amnesty, and abolish all repressive legislation. As socialists, we believe that these demands are attainable, and that the development of normal class politics throughout the whole country will follow as a natural development. Every republican and socialist organisation in this country supports the demands which I have just outlined, and in our opinion, the vast majority of Irish people would also support them if given the opportunity. During the past 12 months, we have attempted to give them this opportunity by promoting the concept of a broad front. We have held a series of discussions with members of all republican and socialist organisations at either rank and file or national leadership level. At rank and file level in all organisations we found an almost unanimous desire for unity in the struggle against imperialism and an ever increasing awareness of the power of the reactionary forces ranged against us.

Unfortunately, the widespread desire for unity in the struggle which exists at rank and file level is not reflected in the attitudes of the leadership of some of the organisations involved. At the very point in the struggle when unified action is absolutely essential on all fronts, we found leaders more concerned with maintaining their own positions of influence, or in pursuing faction fighting and vendettas against former comrades. We found some whose political judgements were so perverted by the irresistible urge to automatically do or say the opposite to what some other republican, or socialist organisation, said or did that they were prepared to concede victory to the main enemy.

At the very point in our history when a thorough and all-embracing re-assessment of overall strategy and tactics is so vital to the success of the struggle we found leaders unwilling to admit or concede the slightest possibility that they ever made a mistake. Some say that the civil rights strategy as expounded in 1968 and 1969 is still valid and that the democratisation of the six-county state is the central demand. They expect Britain to impose a Bill of Rights on a loyalist majority whose position of marginal supremacy depends on the total denial of civil rights to the nationalist minority. They say that the most revolutionary demand in Ireland today is "peace at any price", and prove their point by marching with the most reactionary elements of Irish society - the elements whose true slogan would be "peace with exploitation" rather than "peace with justice". The same people, who profess to be socialists and democrats, have even gone to London to deny the democratic right of the British working class to demand a British withdrawal from Ireland through the "Troops Out Movement".

Of course, all of the opposition to the broad front concept does not come from the ex-revolutionaries now turned reformist. It comes as well from some sections of the ultra-left who fail to recognise the connection between an unemployed worker from a multinational concern and the presence of imperialist troops in the country.

Finally, the opposition to a broad front comes from leaders who recognised the changing nature of the struggle in '69 and '70 but didn't have the ability to create the necessary popular support for their actions. Because they were nurtured in the tradition of the heroic and lonely sacrifice and the tradition of carrying on the torch to the next generation, they saw themselves as an elite sect who would hand freedom to the people on a plate.
The fact is that the elitist and conspiratorial approach is no substitute for the development of a people's struggle. The wonder is that after six years of active struggle, some of those involved are not prepared to reassess their strategy and tactics. The confusion, weakness and divisions which exist throughout the anti-imperialist movement was heralded in the carnival of reaction which Connolly spoke of.
The imperialists and their native capitalist allies are more united than ever before in pursuit of their solution. If our analysis of the situation in Ire land today is accepted as being correct, we would like to know the attitudes of all organisations towards our call for a total re-appraisal of strategy and tactics.

In particular, we would like the comments of those represented at this conference. If this conference serves the function of opening a debate on the fundamental problems confronting the revolution in Ireland it will have served a very useful purpose in our view.
The IRSP is fully committed to the struggle for national liberation, democracy and socialism in Ireland, and we understand the relationship between the national question and the class question: the presence of British troops in Ireland is but one manifestation of the imperialist presence and must be seen in the context of the overall relationship between Ireland and Britain.

Some people say that Britain would really like to withdraw from Ireland and that she is only waiting for a suitable opportunity to do so without losing face. The principal advocates of this particular argument are, of course, the native capitalist class whose position of power and influence is guaranteed through the maintenance of the constitutional status quo. They promote this idea mostly to confuse and de-escalate the struggle and thereby secure a return to a position of "peace with exploitation".
The fact is that British economic interests in Ireland can only be guaranteed through her continued military and political presence here and through the maintenance of partition. Partition has been the instrument through which the working class in both parts of Ireland have been divided for almost 60 years. In the south the green Tories of Fianna Fail have always had more working class support than the Labour Party. They have had this support because they were regarded as the party that would end partition and complete the national liberation struggle.
Of course, the orange Tories in the North kept their working class support in line by convincing them that their position of marginal supremacy could only be guaranteed through the preservation of the union and discrimination against the nationalist minority. Both sets of Tories could thus continue their exploitation of the entire working class and effectively prevent the development of class politics in the whole island.
Even if Britain didn't have to protect her own economic investments in both parts of Ireland, she would still be under tremendous pressure to stay and protect the interests of American and European multinationals who also control large sections of our economic life. Almost every important sector of our economic life is now subject to exploitation by British and other multinational concerns.

The most obvious areas are oil, gas, mineral resources, hire purchase, insurance and banking companies, light and heavy engineering companies, textiles and man-made fibers, motor assembly, fertilizers, and fisheries, the construction industry, and finally the breweries and distilleries. As you can see from the list it doesn't leave much in the control of the native capitalist class. In many instances they have been bought out and now fulfil the function of a compliant and obedient managerial corps.
As a revolutionary socialist party we are conscious of the international implications of our own struggle. We regard our struggle as part of the world-wide struggle for the emancipation of working class people. Our contribution to that struggle must be to create an independent socialist state here in Ireland, and at the same time extend solidarity to all genuine revolutionary movements abroad.
An independent socialist state based on the history, traditions, and cultural identity of our own working class, would be an inspiration not only to the British and European working classes but to oppressed peoples everywhere. Our enemies are, of course, also conscious of the possible effects of a successful anti-imperialist struggle here, and can be expected to give moral and material support to Britain as an insurance against an upsurge of support for socialism in their own countries.
The existence of support groups abroad, particularly in Britain. are of paramount importance to the success of our struggle. The anti-Vietnam war movement in America succeeded in making the Vietnam war a live issue in domestic American politics and eventually played a major role in compelling an American withdrawal from Vietnam.
We believe that th"Troops Out Movement" and the British trade union movement can play a similar role so far as Ireland is concerned. You have the potential to make the Irish struggle a live issue in domestic British politics, and this will ultimately be the key to success or failure in our struggle.
For our part, we must accept the responsibility for overcoming the divisions that exist in the ranks of the anti-imperialist movement, and producing the organisational structures which will be capable of demonstrating to the world our determination to secure our own emancipation. If we fail to demonstrate the stature and vision that will be necessary to accomplish our goal we have no right to look for your support.

We are confident that the momentum of the past seven years can be maintained and that even if the leaders of the various revolutionary organisations are not capable of giving the necessary leadership in a rapidly changing situation, then new leaders will emerge from rank and file level to fill the vacuum. Too many sacrifices have been made for us to fail now, so let us move forward to victory. We have nothing to lose but our chains, and in breaking them, we also break those that bind you just as securely as us.

The Broad Front

The IRSP fully endorse the sentiments, expressed in the basic discussion document regarding the seriousness of the present political crisis in Ireland and fully support the call for the maximum degree of anti-imperialist unity. We feel that genuine anti-imperialist unity can be achieved and that the basic discussion document lays the basis for such unity provided those present at this conference can agree that the document needs clarification and amendment on a number of important points.

As a socialist party, our ultimate political objective is the creation of a unified 32 county Democratic Socialist Republic within which the Irish working class will control the wealth and resources of the nation. This objective can only be achieved through the efforts of a unified and politically conscious Irish working class. The fact that a unified and politically conscious Irish working class does not exist is a direct consequence of the creation of two partitioned states in Ireland, and of the continuing imperialist interference in both parts of the country. The problems arising from this lack of working class unity are painfully obvious.

The working class people of the South have been skillfully divided by the allies of British imperialism since the establishment of the 26-county state. For 50 years the Southern working class have been conned into supporting political parties who held out the illusion of radical solutions to both the national question and the class struggle, while in reality they used the working class as a power base for their continued betrayal of both struggles.

In the North the Protestant working class were led to believe that the only way in which they could preserve the marginal supremacy which they held over their Catholic counterparts in jobs and housing was through supporting corrupt Unionist politicians and through them the Union with Britain. Their genuine and well founded fears regarding the preservation of their religious and civil liberties in the context of a united and clerical dominated Ireland were also exploited by the same corrupt politicians. At the same time the Catholic working class were conned into believing that their salvation lay in supporting green tory politicians who, while hypocritically advocating the reunification of Ireland, as a guarantee of their ultimate salvation, completely submerged themselves in corrupt Unionist politics in exchange for favours for the class they really represented, the Northern Catholic middle class. As history has shown, the working class, North and South, Protestant and Catholic, have been victims of the so-called solutions to the 'Irish Question' imposed by Britain and her subservient native parliaments.

It is still Britain's objective to find and impost a political solution which will guarantee the continued protection of Britain's economic and strategic interests in both parts of Ireland. Britain is also acting as the local protector of the interests of other imperial powers in Ireland. Some of the EEC countries as well as America and Canada have powerful vested interest in supporting a British imposed 'solution' in Ireland. Britain also has to consider the possible effects on internal British politics of the emergence of a united and independent state in Ireland. In our view, if an independent Ireland is to be viable in economic terms, and if it is to provide a reasonable standard of living for the majority of our people, it can only be done through a radical change in the ownership of wealth and resources. In these circumstances Britain and the EEC countries would have every reason to worry about the effects on working class opinion in their own countries. Finally of course Britain's strategic interests must also be protected through the imposition of a 'solution' which will ensure that Ireland continues its present policy of pro-imperialist 'neutrality.'

Every British imposed solution including the original partition of the country, the Northern Ireland Assembly...the Convention and direct rule, has been designed to protect these economic and strategic interests. The present policy of the Ulsterisation of the conflict is also clearly designed to perpetuate the division of the country, and the sectarian divisions of the Northern working class. The native capitalist class, acting through the political parties which represent their interests in both parts of Ireland have played a fundamental role in supporting British imperialist interests in Ireland. They have done so because they have now accommodated themselves to the role of overseers for the British and other imperialist economic interests. They have clearly thrown their weight behind the various solutions put forward by British imperialism over the past eight years, and will continue to do so in order to ensure that the one solution which would end their role as the native agents of foreign imperial interests does not emerge.

As a party we therefore recognize the absolute necessity of securing a constitutional solution to the present crisis which will allow the Irish working class the freedom to pursue their interests as a class in the context of the development of normal class politics. In our view the first step in securing a constitutional solution which meets this requirement must be for Britain to concede the right of the Irish people to exercise total sovereignty over their own affairs. This objective can only be achieved through the creation of a unified struggle on the part of all anti-imperialist organizations. We would therefore support the formation of an Irish anti-imperialist Front composed of delegates from affiliated organizations who support the agreed political programme of the Front. The primary objective of the Front would be to mobilize the maximum degree of support for its declared objectives throughout Ireland. The Front should have sufficient support and assistance from its affiliated organizations to enable it to open a head office with a full time staff.
We propose the following political demands as the basis on which an Irish anti-imperialist Front should organise:

1. That Britain must renounce all claims to sovereignty over any part of Ireland or its coastal waters.
2. That Britain must immediately disband and disarm the UDR, RUC, and RUC Reserve and withdraw all troops from Ireland.
3. That the British and 26 County governments must immediately release all political prisoners and grant a general amnesty for all offenses arising from the current conflict.
4. That Britain must agree to compensate all who have suffered as a result of imperialist violence and exploitation in Ireland.
5. Recognizing that no country can be free and independent while it permits imperialist domination of its economic life, the Irish anti-imperialist Front will oppose all forms of imperialist control over our wealth and resources.
6. That the Irish anti-imperialist Front rejects a federal solution and the continued existence of two separate states in the 6 and 26 counties as a denial of the right of the Irish people to sovereignty and recognizes the only alternative as being the creation of a 32 County Democratic Republic with a secular constitution.
7. That the Irish anti-imperialist Front demands the convening of an all Ireland Constitutional Conference representative of all shades of political opinion in Ireland for the purpose of discussing a democratic and secular Constitution which would become effective immediately following a total British military and political withdrawal from Ireland.

We feel that these demands would secure the active support of all genuine anti-imperialists in Ireland and that they should form the basis for an agreed programme of action by the Irish anti-imperialist Front. We are submitting them to this conference in the hope that we can make a serious contribution towards overcoming some of the problems caused by the divisions existing between the anti-imperialist organizations.

Crossbarry

As he said at Crossbarry in Co. Cork in March 1976:
"We want to build a society where our children can live in peace and prosperity, a society where they will control the wealth of this country."
"Petty differences and recriminations must be forgotten and the necessary leadership given to the Irish people. No republican or socialist can afford to allow himself to be manipulated into creating disunity in the anti-imperialist forces."

Homage to Seamus Costello (Starry Plough Oct 1977)

Seamus Costello was born in Old Connaught Avenue, Bray, County Wicklow in 1939. He attended Ravenswell National School in Bray. In 1950, at the age of eleven, he moved with his family to Roseville on the Dublin. Road in Bray. There were nine in his family, Seamus being the eldest.

His first interest in politics came when he read of the arrest of Cathal Goulding in Britain in 1953 following an arms raid on the Officers Training Corps School at Felstead in Essex. Costello subsequently "devoured" newspapers, according to his family and at the age of 15, on one of his many visits to Croke Park, he bought a copy of the United Irishman and immediately applied to join the Republican Movement. However, he was told to "come back next year". Costello did and was accepted into the ranks of the IRA and Sinn Fein.

The first Sinn Fein Cumann was started in Bray in the same year, comprised mostly from members of the Dun Laoghaire Cumann, their activity confined to 'United Irishman' sales. However, it wasn't long before it was being sold in every area in Co. Wicklow.

COMMANDED ACTIVE SERVICE UNIT

During the campaign of 1956-62 Costello, at the age of 17 commanded an active service unit in South Derry, their most publicised actions being the destruction of bridges and the burning of Magherafelt Courthouse. Those under his command described him as strict but radiating confidence. Once while resting in a safe house a grenade exploded and set off the full magazine of a Thomson machine gun. Miraculously no one was killed. Costello took the brunt of the explosion and was knocked unconscious. He received back injuries and lost half a finger and was moved back to Dublin for treatment.

He was arrested in Glencree Co. Wicklow, in 1957 and sentenced to six months in Mountjoy. On his release he was immediately interned in the Curragh for two years. Costello, as a prisoner, was described by fellow internees as quiet, rarely Joining others in playacting, preferring deep discussion and reading. He was a member of the escape committee which engineered the successful escape of Rory Brady and Daithi O'Connell amongst others. He is remembered by one internee reading Vietnamese magazines and it impressed Costello that peasants badly armed but with a deep political ideology could defeat their enemies. In later years he always referred to his days in the Curragh as ∏my university days∑. He took part in the critical analysis of the 50∂s campaign, agreeing that it had failed due to lack of popular involvement as distinct from popular support.

HELPED RE-ORGANISE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT

On the ending of internment in 1959 Costello assisted in the re-organising of the Republican Movement or as Costello put it "the cars started flying around again".

In 1962 he took up a job as a car salesman and, indicative his drive and strong personality had little trouble in becoming salesman of the year of his firm. He successfully fought an attempt to sack him because of his political affiliations by threatening to stay outside his firm's offices everyday until he was reinstated.

BUILT A STRONG LOCAL BASE

Meanwhile he began to build a strong local base in Co. Wicklow. He maintained that Republicans should build a strong home base and that these could then be linked up together at a future date. He also became full time political organiser for Wicklow at this period and developed a strong link with every conceivable organisation in Wicklow that dealt with the interests of the working class. He managed to involve the Bray Trades Council in the 1966 Easter Commemoration and helped found a strong Tenants Association in Bray. He also became involved with the Credit Union movement and farmers' organisations. During this period (1964) he married a Tipperary woman Maeliosa who became active in the Republican Movement.

HISTORIC ORATION

In 1966 he gave the historic oration at the Wolfe Tone Commemoration in Bodenstown which marked the departure of the left of the Republican Movement, the result of years of discussions within the Movement ably assisted by Costello.

"We believe that the large estates of absentee landlords should be acquired by compulsory acquisition and worked on a cooperative basis with the financial and technical assistance of the State... our policy is to nationalise the key industries with the eventual aim of co-operative ownership by the workers... nationalisation of all banks, insurance companies, loan and investment companies..."

But Costello always maintained not only the right to use armed force but the necessity for workers to be armed and this remained his position up to his assassination. "The lesson of history shows that in the final analysis the Robber Baron must be disestablished by the same methods that he used to enrich himself and retain his ill gotten gains, namely force of arms. To this end we must organise, train and maintain a disciplined armed force which will always be available to strike at the opportune moment" (Bodenstown 1966).

ELECTION VICTORY

He pushed for Sinn Fein to contest the local election of 1967 in selected areas and he stood with Joe Doyle in Bray. Indicative of his organisational abilities is the fact that not only were Sinn Fein the only political party to canvass every house in Bray but they won two seats on Bray Urban Council, one on Wicklow Co. Council and collected more money during the election than they had actually spent during the campaign.

At Council Meetings Costello and Doyle always put their Cumann's views in accordance with what had been decided at their meetings. A strong attempt was always made to involve the people's organisations in any controversy or local issue.

Costello headed huge deputations of local organisations to Council meetings and demanded they be heard. He demanded the public not be barred from Council meetings. So insistent was he that unsuccessful moves were made to have him removed from the Council. He became involved in all local problems; housing, road repairs, water and sewerage, access to local beaches, land speculation etc. and such national issues as ground rents, the anti-EEC campaign, anti-repression campaigns, natural resources, the national question etc.

INVOLVED THE MASSES

Meanwhile Costello and Sinn Fein continued to build their strong links with local bodies always striving to show them their own strength while getting overall republican socialist policies across.

HELPED FORM N.I.C.R.A.

Nationally, Costello had pushed hard for the establishment of the Northern Irish Civil Rights- Association -to involve the mass of. the Northern workers in the- struggle. The: beginning saw some protestant involvement but with the orange card being played, brutality, murder and open repression the campaign changed through the years to a mainly nationalist campaign for national liberation. Costello, unlike many of the other leaders in the Republican Movement, was willing to accept changing situations and adapt, rather than insist that the struggle must be confined to a pre-laid pattern irrespective of the realities and holding back the struggle for national liberation.

A PEACE-MAKER DURING SPLITS

Costello stayed with what became known as the Official Republican Movement in the split of 1969-70 which gave birth to the Provisionals. It was not that he disagreed with the struggle for national liberation and a British withdrawal but that he saw it as a struggle that must take place side by side with the class struggle in the entire country, something the Provos were not to even admit until 1977. Even at this stage Costello showed his willingness to do all in his power to unite the Republican Movement and was in correspondence with Dick Roche and Sean Cronin who were acting as intermediaries.

COSTELLO FORMS IRSP

The change in policy in the Republican Movement from 1965 had seen the movement's involvement throughout the 32 counties in popular struggles, such as housing, ground rents, fisheries, industrial disputes etc. Military actions had been taken in some cases: against foreign (mainly German) land owners in the midlands, against a lobster boat the Mary Catherine ("to protect the Irish shellfishing industry"), against buses carrying scab workers in Shannon, against a mine in support of strikers, against land speculators, rackman landlords etc. These actions were not meant to be a substitute for involvement in the national question but part of the same struggle.

The Officials, however began to abandon such actions in the South and eventually in the North with the ceasefire of 1972. Costello maintained before his assassination that he should have broken away at this stage and not waited until 1974. The two years in question were taken up with Costello fighting a rearguard action to have accepted policy implemented while a section of the leadership implemented their own policies, oblivious to Ard Fheis wishes. Disillusionment set in in the rank and file with many dropping out while a witchhunt began of all dissidents, orchestrated by this clique in the leadership. Eventually Costello was charged with irregularities at the 1973 Ard Fheis and tried by Sinn Fein. He was found not guilty. However the Official IRA tried him on similar charges, with the exact same evidence (ensuring Costello's witnesses didn't turn up) and found him guilty. They dismissed him "with ignomy". Meanwhile Sinn Fein suspended him, despite their having found him not guilty. He was refused permission to stand in the local election of 1974. Costello knew he was finished with the Officials and stood as an Independent Sinn Fein Candidate as he began to organise the setting up of a new party that would entwine the class question and national question as one struggle. He topped the polls for Wicklow County Council and Bray Urban Council where he was immensely popular, being a member of the Wicklow Agricultural Committee and President of Brays Trade Council. The leadership of the Officials were dismayed by victory. He was nevertheless dismissed ("general unsuitability") from Sinn Fein at the Ard Fheis of 1974, memorable for its undemocratic procedures (delegates refused entry at the door because they supported Costello etc.).

In December 1974 Costello along with other disillusioned republicans and socialists, many with years of involvement in the Republican Movement at leadership level and with a deep involvement at local level formed a new political party. There immediately followed mass resignations from the Officials from all over the country, North and South. Entire Cumainn came over. And so was born the Irish Republican Socialist Party named after James Connolly's party of 1896. The word 'Republican' was deliberately put first to emphasise the struggle for national liberation, a struggle that was being abandoned by most organisations claiming the title of 'socialist'.

BLOODY BAPTISM

There had existed a minority opinion in the leadership of the Officials at the time of the Provo split who felt that Provos should have been crushed. The growth of the Provos merely strengthened this opinion. The Officials decided to employ this tactic against the IRSP and picked Belfast to launch their campaign of murder, driving the IRSP into hiding: Costello, who always had a deep appreciation of the damage of feuds and the demoralisation it would cause throughout the anti-imperialist movement, sought mediation with the Officials who refused. Eventually, Michael Mullen, head of Costello's union the ITGWU, acted as mediator and the Officials called off their murder campaign, mainly due to their bad showing in the Galway bye-election and the Northern Ireland Convention election. The feud had seriously effected the growth of the IRSP and stopped most resignations from the Officials. Three IRSP members were dead and scores injured. Indeed a bloody baptism for the IRSP.
STATE CONSPIRACY AGAINST IRSP
In the 26 Counties the state was bent on destroying the IRSP culminating in the arrest of Costello along with over 40 IRSP members supporters and relatives in April 1976. Nine were severely tortured and six framed with the robbery of a train in Co. Kildare. Costello pushed the IRSP to sue the State and brought Amnesty International's first involvement in Ireland when they demanded "a full and independent inquiry" in May 1976 into the arrest of IRSP members and their ill-treatment.

Costello always maintained that there existed a state conspiracy to smash the IRSP and the IRSP has ample evidence to prove this charge.

COSTELLO'S LEADERSHIP
During Seamus Costello's leadership of the IRSP, he was attempting to building a strong republican socialist party that would entwine the national and class questions as one struggle. He sought to involve the IRSP in all the struggles of the Irish people; trade union work, housing, fisheries, the struggle for women's emancipation, the national question, the struggle of small farmers, tenants, the cultural struggle, sovereignty, the struggle for control over our natural resources and the struggle against repression etc. While the IRSP was suffering from the Official's murder campaign and state harassment it was difficulty for the IRSP to make much headway in these struggles although it was involved in all of them to some extent.

Costello always felt anti-imperialist unity was of the utmost importance and worked hard for it. He was the main person behind the Broad Front talks that took place between anti-imperialist groups throughout 1977, although they failed to form a Broad Front.

OPPOSED INDEPENDENT ULSTER
He was the only leader of national importance that totally opposed unprincipled talks with Loyalists on any agenda other than 32 County Socialist Republic and he totally rejected an Independent Ulster as a "solution" to the Irish or the Ulster question. He could speak to Dublin's unemployed, Derry's harassed population, or Wicklow's farmers and reach them all. No struggle of the working class was too insignificant for his involvement and despite his national commitments, his organisational duties as full time IRSP political organiser, he always found time to honour his commitment to his constituents in Co. Wicklow.

At the time of his assassination [Dublin, 5 Ocotober 1977] he was member of the following bodies: Wicklow County Council, County Wicklow Committee of Agriculture, General Council of Committees of Agriculture, Eastern Regional Development Organisation, National Museum Development Committee, Bray Urban District Council, Bray Branch of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union, Bray and District Trade Unions Council (of which he was president 1976-77), the Cualann Historical Society, Chairman Irish Republican Socialist Party. From the period between 1964 and 1974 he held the positions of Adj. General, Chief of Staff and Director of Operations in the Official IRA and the position of Vice-President of Official Sinn Fein.

Published here in Solidarity with Irish Republican Socialists
Scottish Republican Socialist Newsletter

Annual John Maclean Rally

2010-09-12T05:53:00.001-05:00

Sunday November 28.
1 pm at Eastwood Cemetery to graveside for commemoration.
March leaves 1.30 pm, across from cemetery, at Boydstone Rd
to John MacLean Cairn at Shawbridge Arcade, nr, shopping Centre.
Post Code for sat navvies G43 1QN.
Then to Shawbridge Bar across at Shawbridge High flats, next to Police Station for speeches and scoriach.
Ted Christopher and Albannach.
Admission £5.

éirígí Protest Against War Criminal Tony Blair, Dublin Sept 4th, 2010

2010-09-07T00:38:00.000-05:00

New SRSM T-shirts on sale

2010-08-30T04:18:00.010-05:00

I have been buying new T-shirts from SRSM and as I am not a member I have provided the links below to click on if you want to purchase any of their very good stock.
New SRSM T-shirts and keyring

SRSM Shop

See Below:

Rabbie Burns the Radical

2010-08-29T17:27:00.002-05:00

Robert Burns was born on 25 January 1759 in a cottage built by his father William Burness, a gardener turned farmer, in the village of Alloway near Ayr.
Robert's first school was at Alloway Mill. Later his father combined with a few neighbours to hire a tutor, a Mr Murdoch. Given that compulsory school education was not introduced until 1876 and schooling wasn't free until 1891, it could be said that he had a much better education than most lads of his time. Certainly Robert appreciated this and he soon developed a keen interest in reading.
In 1776 the family moved to a farm at Mount Oliphant, south east of Alloway. There they faced years of "unending toil and poverty." The situation got particularly bad after the landlord died and they found themselves "under the tyranny of a scoundrel factor."
Eventually in 1777 they broke free of his clutches and moved onto a larger farm, some 130 acres, at Lochlea near Tarbolton. It appeared more promising although the farm itself was "bleak and bare."
Robert was able to enjoy himself at the Batchelor's Club which he and his brother Gilbert helped found in Tarbolton in 1780. There the members met to forget their "cares in mirth and diversion." The chief diversion appears to have been debate, something Burns in particular enjoyed.
Robert did move to Irvine for a while in 1781, intending to learn a new trade as a "flax-dresser." However the premises where he moved were damaged by fire.
He returned to Lochlea to find his father on his death bed (His father was subsequently buried in Alloway Kirkyard). Robert, Gilbert and their widowed mother moved on to a farm at Mossgiel near Mauchline. The rent was £90 p.a., less than Lochlea. However the first year Burns bought "bad seed" and the second year there was a "late harvest." So he lost "half his crops" (Geddes and Grosset 2000).
His first collection of poems, "Chiefly in the Scottish Dialect", had appeared in 1786. Known as the "Kilmarnock Edition", it included "To a Mouse" and "The Cotter's Saturday Night." It was an immediate success and Burns spent some time in Edinburgh enjoying the acclaim.
On his return from the capital he married Jean Armour and took on the tenancy of Ellisland Farm. 6 miles north of Dumfries. Here he hoped to make a good living using the latest agricultural methods and to thus meet the needs/demands of a growing family.
During his stay at Ellisland he wrote over a hundred songs and poems, including "Ye Banks and Braes o' Bonnie Doon" and "Auld Lang Syne." He also trained as an exciseman as a back up should the farm fail.
When he did secure an exciseman's post however he decided to dispose of the farm altogether and to move his family to Dumfries. His first home there, uintil 1793, was in Wee Vennell. They then relocated to a house in Mill Vennell, now known as Burns Street, at the south end of the High Street.
His literary output remained prodigious. "Tam O' Shanter", one of his biggest achievements, had appeared in 1790. It was followed by songs such as "My Nannie's Awa'" and "Ae Fond Kiss." And this was despite rumours that Burns was increasingly spending his time in "howffs and haunts of seasoned drinkers." Certainly he did imbibe in places like the "Globe Tavern" and the delightfully named "Hole in the Wall."
Burns was also in trouble for his political views. He backed the French Revolution and tried to send four carronades, together with a letter "testifying his admiration and respect" to the French Legislative Assembly. This lead to an official enquiry by the Board of Excise and for a time it looked as if he might be dismissed from the service (Geddes and Grosset 2000).
In any case Burns was already in declining health. He even tried sea bathing in the hope of a cure. He eventually died from endocarditis, the effects of rheumatism on the heart.
Burns was buried in the cemetery at St. Michael's Church, Dumfries. In 1815 his remains were moved to a nearby mausoleum. In Dumfries there is also a statue at the head of the High Street. Erected in 1882, it depicts Burns resting against a tree trunk with a dog at his feet.
Some additional points about Burns....
*Burns was buried in Dumfries in 1796. In 1803 Dorothy and William Wordsworth, visiting the town, had trouble finding the grave. An appeal was launched and in 1815 his body was moved to a new mausoleum. In 1823 a cenotaph was also opened in Alloway on the banks of the Doon.
*The poetry of Burns is taught in Russians schools alongside their own national poets. Indeed the Soviet Union was the first country in the world to honour Burns with a commemorative stamp (in 1956). And even today Burns Societies flourish from Volgograd to Vladivastok and Burns Nights held in the Kremlin have been broadcast on TV.
*Colin Fox, leader of the Scottish Socialist Party, has argued that Scotland should appoint its own poet laureate as a tribute to Burns and to produce verses "true to his egalitarian beliefs." Fox, formerly an MSP, sang "A Man's A Man For A' That" during the swearing in ceremony for the Scottish Parliament in May 2004.
*The song, "A Man's A Man For A' That" is said to put the political ideas of Thomas Paine's "Rights of Man" into verse. Burns, like Paine, supported the French and American Revolutions. Burn's didn't actually join the "Society of the Friends of the People" -the radical grassroots movement of the time- but he was clearly at one with them in their desire for radical reform.
*Ross (2005) argues that it is the radical Burns that we should remember. He was "for the common people and against the corrupting power of the gentry, nobility and royalty." He also "championed a Scottish indentity and language."
http://scottishrepublicans.myfreeforum.org

Open Meeting on "Cultural Imperialism"

2010-08-17T08:25:00.001-05:00

Being held on Sunday 19 September, 1-4pm at STUC, Woodlands Road, Glasgow. Organised by the Communist Party of Scotland. Contributions from CPS, Scottish Republican Socialist Movement, Scottish Greens, 1820 Society etc. All welcome. No charge and refreshments provided.

Forthcoming sessions are also planned on the following topics:
*Capitalism today - a catastrophe?
*Struggle for Scottish Independence

Colourful sights are promised for Wallace Day

2010-08-14T11:43:00.002-05:00

From Paisley Daily Express

HUNDREDS of patriotic Scots will descend on Braveheart Sir William Wallace’s Elderslie birthplace later this month to commemorate his murder over 700 years ago.

The traditional Wallace Day parade will take place on Saturday, August 21, and leaves from Ludovic Square, in Johnstone, at 2.30pm to walk to the Wallace Monument, in Elderslie, where wreaths are laid.

In the evening, Elderslie Village Hall will host an evening of entertainment with Ted Christopher and Albannach, and a bar will be available.

Wallace Day is one of the most colourful in Renfrewshire’s year and the march is headed by a pipe band and many of those who go along get right into the spirit of things by wearing tartan and carrying Saltires.

Wallace, along with Andrew Moray, is remembered for defeating an English army at the Battle of Stirling Bridge in September 1297.

Organisers say the march dedicated to the freedom fighter will draw hundreds of people from across the country.

Wallace was born in the village around 1270 and went on to become Renfrewshire’s most famous son as, along with Andrew Moray, he defeated an English army at the Battle of Stirling Bridge.

He was named Guardian of Scotland but resigned the post after defeat at the Battle of Falkirk in 1298.

Wallace evaded English attempts on his life for several years until he was captured at Robroyston in 1305.

He was handed over to Edward I of England, who had him executed for treason at Smithfield, London.

Now the Society of William Wallace will mark his death with their latest rally.

Wallace’s deeds have long stirred patriotic Scots, with many members of the Scottish National Party using him as a symbol of independence.

The 1995 film Braveheart, starring Mel Gibson as Wallace, gave a highly romanticised portrayal of Wallace, and proved popular with many Scots.

For those of a more literary bent, 15th century minstrel Blind Harry’s The Actes and Deidis of the Illustre and Vallyeant Campion Schir William Wallace is the work to turn to. It was also one of the first books to be printed in Scotland, in about 1508.

Not much is know about Blind Harry, who is thought to have lived from 1440 to 1493.

His great legacy is to have recorded stories about Wallace, which he sang or recited in verse form, which went down a storm at the court of James IV.

Hundreds of years later, Blind Harry’s work was translated and adapted by William Hamilton of Gilbertfield, himself a poet.

And it is extraordinary to think now that this became the most commonly owned book in Scotland.

To this day, interest in Wallace is strong.

The imposing Wallace Monument in Stirling, which was built in the 1860s, is visited by thousands of people every year.

The much more modest Wallace Monument in Elderslie was built in 1912.

Tickets for the evening of entertainment at Elderslie Village Hall are £10 and can be booked by calling 01236 830393.
http://www.paisleydailyexpress.co.uk/renfrewshire-news/local-news-in-renfrewshire/paisley-news/2010/08/13/colourful-sights-are-promised-for-wallace-day-87085-27051215/

Protest against BBC Radio Cornwall

2010-08-02T07:12:00.001-05:00

Mike Chappell from Kernow branch of the Celtic league is holding a 24 hour sleepless vigil outside BBC Radio Cornwall to highlight the BBC's lack of recognition of Kernow.
Starts 10am on Saturday 21st August till 10am on Sunday 22nd.
Mike will be ripping up his TV licence at 3pm on the Saturday.

Kernow Branch Celtic League have an excellent facebook site.
Also see http://celticleague.net/

New SNP Supporters Group

2010-07-26T21:54:00.002-05:00

I have been looking for an active SNP supporters group in Yahoo Groups and have not found one so I have started my own. It is as follows;

News and Debate Forum for members and supporters of the Scottish National Party. Scottish Republicans and socialists are welcome to join.

Here we can debate the merits of Independence and keep up to date with events.
Click here to join the SNP Supporters Group.

If you are interested in Scotland's Independence Party please join today.
Slainte
Larry

About The Scottish Socialist Freedom Group

2010-07-26T06:31:00.004-05:00

The Scottish Socialist Freedom Group (SSFG) is an Internet based organisation which exists to educate and inform about republican socialism and activism.

Members are encouraged to support an Independent Workers Republic for Scotland.

The number of members is unknown to the public but a few exist in Scotland and the USA.

Membership exists on our discussion group and those accepted to the discussion group are given automatic membership of the SSFG.

Members are encouraged to join the discussion group and partake in political activity to Free Scotland by legal means only.

Our website @ http://ssfg.weebly.com is there to educate and publicise about political events for independence in Scotland.

The SSFG has a manifesto.

The SSFG support the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement as the true republican socialist organisation for political activity in Scotland.

The SSFG support Scottish parliamentary activity by supporting the SNP as the only constitutional nationalist party that can deliver Independence for Scotland likely by way of an independence referendum.

For information or to join the SSFG on the net contact redlarry1962@googlemail.com.

Slainte
Larry
SSFG

Scottish Republicanism-and What it Means Today

2010-07-03T22:39:00.004-05:00

I was emailed about an excellent article by the 32 County Sovereignty Movement on Scottish Republicanism which appeared in the Sovereign Nation An Náisiun Ceannasach.

For over 300 years the nation of Scotland has been shackled
to the political union of unequals that is the British
state. For centuries prior to this forced union Scotland
fought a gallant series of wars of independence against
English attempts at subjugation and annexation. That her
Sovereignty was betrayed by the parcel of rogues in a
nation which were a supine section of the Scottish landed
nobility cannot be disputed, but the British revisionist
historians who claim that this union was popular in anyway
shape or form couldn't be more wrong.
Riots broke out against the signing of the Act of
union the length and breadth of Scotland, indeed the very signatories
to the union had to meet in secret in a cellar in
Edinburgh - such was their fear of the Scottish peoples reaction.
England achieved its union by bribery and coercion
("the rough wooing" as it was called). The signing of the treaty
was conducted with an English Fleet off the Scottish coast and
an English Army massed at the border - the threat to Scotland
should the traitors not sign the Act of Union could not have
been more explicit.
Since the Declaration of Arbroath in 1320 (which
made the point that ultimately Scottish sovereignty resided
with the people who had the right to overthrow any King of
Scotland should they bargain away or sell Scottish independence)
there has been a thread running through Scottish politics
that Republicans of today can relate to.
Like all subjugated peoples the Scottish have had
imposed upon them an official history of the victors that has
sought to obscure any understanding of resistance and rebellion
and that has sought to give them a historical amnesia that
prevents them from challenging the myths of the British state.
Religious sectarianism and all manner of divide and rule has
been used by the Anglo/British state and its mis-educators to
weaken and avoid a united Scottish challenge to their rule.
In such a way the Jacobite Rebellions have been
portrayed as doomed romanticism on behalf of a foppish and
effete King when in fact they had as their foundation a sincere
desire on behalf of their clansmen and others for Scottish
independence. Many a Jacobite sword had inscribed on its
blade for Scotland and no union, in English and in Gaelic.
Even more denied and obscured by the Brits and
their academic mouthpieces is the later struggle of Thomas
Muir, a radical Scottish republican and contemporary of Wolfe
Tone, who led the United Scotsmen and had excellent fraternal
relations and practical solidarity with the United Irishmen.
Just as Wolfe Tone can be said to be the Father of Irish
Republicanism so too can Muir be called the Father of
Scottish Republicanism. The British and their lackeys in the
Scottish establishment worked ceaselessly through lies, force
and spies to defeat the plans of the United Scotsmen for revolution
and the re-establishment of Scottish independence
and a Republic in the late 1790s. Muir himself had to flee to
France where he became the first non Frenchman given citizenship
in the French Republic.
The Scottish Radicals of 1820 attempted armed
rebellion and a detachment were captured on route to Carron
where they hoped to seize the cannons of the Brits at the
major cannon producing ironworks there. Hardie and Baird
died on the scaffold and the rest of the leaders were rounded
up and deported to Australia as convicts. In Greenock the
British militia opened fire on the crowd, killing many unarmed
civilians, who had risen in support of the rebellion. In the
Highlands and Gaeltacht resistance broke out sporadically
against the near genocide of the clearances and the latter
parts of the 19th century saw land grabs and the simmering
Crofters War. Michael Davitt was instrumental in helping
organise the Highland Land League. By the late 19th Century
following An Gorta Mor, Scotland saw an influx of Irishmen
and women as a direct result of the genocidal policies of the
Anglo/British state. Combining with the hundreds of thousands
of cleared from their land, Gaels of the Highlands who
had been forced into the urban industrial central belt, particularly
around Glasgow, fired an angry working class with rightful
grievance and a sense of injustice against the British state
and its ruling class. Thus they emerged with an innate dslike,
distrust and hatred for the Anglo/British state and a strong
desire for Irish and indeed Scottish independence. Out of this
working class came two of the greatest Republican socialists.
In Edinburgh was James Connolly and in Glasgow John
MacLean. They took the fight for independence and the
republic of the workers to a new plane of struggle.
Whilst Connolly was organising Irish workers and small farmers
for revolution in Ireland, MacLean was developing the
forces for revolution in Glasgow and on Clydeside. MacLean
broke with the British left due to their supine acceptance of the
imperialist slaughter of WW1 and came out for a Scottish
Workers Republic. In 1919 English soldiers and tanks were
placed in Glasgow in order to quell the growing rebellion that
was known as a Red Clydeside. He himself was jailed for
“Despite the best efforts of the unionist Labour
quislings in Scotland and their masters in
London, the question of independence runs
throughout modern Scottish history. It truly is
the elephant in the room on all political matters
in Scotland. Recently the twin tectonic plates of
independence and unionism have collided and
the attempt by the Brits to "kill independence
stone dead through devolution" has done
nothing of the sort.”
sedition on a number of occasions and his popularity
amongst the workers of Glasgow and Scotland can be
gauged by the 200,000 who came out to meet him from the
train on his release from Peterhead Gaol.
Despite the best efforts of the unionist Labour quislings
in Scotland and their masters in London, the question of
independence runs throughout modern Scottish history. It
truly is the elephant in the room on all political matters in
Scotland. Recently the twin tectonic plates of independence
and unionism have collided and the attempt by the Brits to
"kill independence stone dead through devolution" has done
nothing of the sort. In fact devolution has merely whetted the
appetite for independence in Scotland and the one party state
hegemony of the unionist Labour Party, which stretches over
50 years, has been broken with the election in 2007 of the
first Scottish National Party Government. As republicans we
can confidently say that the SNP whilst being a constitutional
nationalist party, has at its base thousands of republican separatist
members and supporters and indeed even amongst its
elected representatives a good few solid republicans and
republican socialists. Salmond himself was once a member
of the expelled republican socialist 79 Group.
From our perspective and given the political terrain
and conditions the SNP is the credible democratic electoral
challenge to unionism and the British state. Whilst we maintain
a revolutionary republican perspective towards independence
we should urge all Scots and Irish Republicans living
in Scotland to support the SNP in elections and campaign
and vote in any upcoming referendum put forward by the
SNP for full Scottish independence.
The anti colonial and anti imperialism of the struggle
for Irish independence and Scottish independence and
the fact that both struggles and nations have so much commonality
against English dominion mean that the 32 CSM in
Scotland and our Vol Charles Carrigan Cumann have not
neglected to fully engage in the struggle for Scottish independence
alongside our support and solidarity for our comrades
and their struggle for Irish sovereignty, independence
and the 32 County Republic.
The 32CSM have worked alongside and supported
efforts by the Scottish Republican Socialist Movement including
attending the John MacLean March and Rally in Glasgow
and the Anti Sectarianism march and rally at Glencoe. We will
continue this work for a Scottish Republic which we believe
could be the closest ally for the 32 County Irish Republic.
Whichever nation first gains a victory against Anglo/British
imperialism and their continued denial of our national sovereignties
will have a profound effect on the struggle in the
other. Not least because of the crisis it will create in the false
identity of British unionism that exists in both Ireland and
Scotland.

Bannockburn Rally

2010-06-03T13:52:00.001-05:00

Saturday June 25

Bus from Glasgow 11 am from North Frederick St, George Square

2pm from 1314 Inn (Next to petrol station at the Bannockburn Trust)
to rotunda on Bannockburn site.

Speakers:
Duncan Fenton Wallace Society
Dr Jas D Young. Scottish Labour Historian
Gerry Cairns SRSM

Coach taking us to the Tartan Arms, Bannockburn Village.

Entertainment:-
White Rose
Ted Christopher
Clannadonia
Others.

Bus leaving for Glasgow 11.30 pm.

Welsh Republican Rally

2010-05-15T05:39:00.000-05:00

Welsh Republican Celtic camp and Abergele Martyrs March and Commemoration.

The Celtic camp starts on Friday 2nd July just outside Abergele, North Wales and on Saturday 3rd at 1pm a march and commemoration of the two MAC Volunteers killed on active service in the fight for Welsh independence. Wreaths will be laid at the graves. Republicans from Wales, Scotland, Ireland, Cornwall, Brittany and Galicia will attend.

Transport from Scotland will be provided at small cost and bring tent.

"Creating an Independent Socialist Scotland."

2010-05-09T07:20:00.001-05:00

Organised by Communist Party of Scotland.
Being held on Saturday 22 May 2010 at the STUC, Woodlands Road, Glasgow G3. Starts at 1pm. Refreshments available from 12.30.
Sessions on "Breaking the British State" and "Creating an Independent Socialist Scotland."
Speakers from 1820 Society, Scottish Socialist Party, Scottish Republican Socialist Movement.

Independence to benefit Scotland

2010-04-01T03:37:00.003-05:00

Scottish Independence would bring about a landslide of opportunity. We have the talent and innovation to go it alone. However we would not be alone but gain extra friends in the world. The possibility of independence in a lifetime are very real and Republicans welcome a referendum on the issue. Independence is an opportunity to free us from the dictates of Westminster or Brussles and destroy draconian crown powers which are putting constraints on Scotland. The politics of small parties has much to offer and proportional representation would offer a voice to minorities in a new independent parliament. Scottish people truly understand and appreciate Democracy and hope and understanding is very much in the blood. I am very confident that we can lead the way in Scotland and vote for those parties who offer us an independence referendum. We have a choice come the General Election to support Independence or return to an out of date Union that holds us all back from future prosperity and hope.
Larry

ARBROATH RALLY DETAILS

2010-03-30T09:07:00.001-05:00

ARBROATH RALLY DETAILS

Annual Arbroath Rally. Saturday April 3. 2010.

Gather Kings Gate, top of the Harbour, 1.pm. March to behind Abbey for short speeches.

Speakers; Lloyd Quinan SRSM, Iain Ramsay Celtic League, Duncan Fenton, Wallace Society, Gerry Cairns SRSM, Patrick Scott Hogg, author, Adhamh MacLeoid Gaelic intro.

Bus from North Frederick St, Glasgow George Square. 10 am prompt. Seats £12. Children Free. group.

Scoriach after rally at Portcullis lounge. 10 mins uphill to the right from Abbey.

Portcullis bar straight after rally http://www.theportc ullis.co.uk/map.html they do meals too.

£5 admission. Children Free.
Artists.
White Rose.
Albannach.
Adhamh MacLeoid Gaelic Group.
Tam MacLean, pipes and accordion.

Need to know how many bus seats ASAP.

For more information email: info@scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org

Please note that there will be no bands and the police have said that they have no objections to ceremonial weapons on the parade, but they have not to be taken into the pub.

SRSM launch new website

2010-03-27T12:58:00.003-05:00

The Scottish Republican Socialist Movement have launched an impressive new website
The address is http://scottishrepublicansocialistmovement.org

Also the active Scottish Republicans have created a new forum at http://scottishrepublicans.myfreeforum.org

Click on the links to check these out.

SRSM Annual Glencoe Anti-Sectarianism March and Rally Part 1&2

2010-02-25T05:34:00.004-06:00

Scottish Republican Socialist Movement Annual Glencoe Anti-Sectarianism March and Rally Supported by the 32 County Sovereignty Movement.

On 1 February 1692, two companies of red-coated government soldiers (about 120 men, of whom only around a dozen were Campbells) were sent to Glen Coe. The commander of the government forces sent to Glen Coe was Captain Robert Campbell. He was 60 years old and through drink, bad decisions and loss of property arising from the Atholl Raid seven years earlier, had been forced to take up a commission in the army. He was, however, welcomed to the glen and he and his soldiers were sheltered and fed amongst the various cottages in the area. He was well-known to the MacIans and was related through marriage. But his orders arrived and at 5 a.m. on the morning of 13 February, he and his redcoats set about carrying out their orders. Whether due to incompetence or some of the soldiers not being enthusiastic for the task, "only" 38 men, women and children out of the 200 of the clan were killed (though others perished later on the snow-swept hills as they tried to escape). Some were shot in the back and the rings from the hand of chief's wife were hacked off - she died soon after. While the chief was also amongst the dead, his two sons escaped, possibly helped by the late arrival, due to a blizzard, of an additional force of redcoats, which should have blocked the entrance to the glen.

SRSM Declaration of Arbroath Commemoration

2010-02-13T05:06:00.004-06:00

Arbroath. Saturday April 3rd 2010. meet 1.30 pm. March from Kings Gate at Harbour to behind Abbey.

Bus from Glasgow
North Hanover Street 10.15am sharp.
£12
Children free
Scoriach
Portcullis Bar, just up to the right from the Abbey.
Admission £5.
Ted Christopher.
Adhamh MacLeoid Gaelic Group.
Tam MacLean pipes and accordion.

Anarchist Cook Book

2010-02-05T04:27:00.000-06:00

Police have turned up my house yesterday and have consificated a copy of the Anarchist cook book and computer disk.

The police claim it is illegal now to hold a copy of this material.

My statement is clear the Brit police are paranoid about terrorism when the sensible option would be to withdraw from Ireland, Iraq and Afghanistan.

A man from Hampshire has been charged by police for distributing this material.

ENDS
Larry
The system seems to bloody well know who I am!